Charting Parenthood: A Statistical Portrait of Fathers and Mothers in America

Fertility Section:

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Contents

• Fertility
  • F1 - Birth Rates
  • F2 - Age at First Birth
  • F3 - Number of Pregnancies
  • F4 - Premarital Birth
• Sexual Activity
  • F5 - Age at First Sexual Intercourse
  • F6 - Number of Sexual Partners
  • F7.a - Characteristics of Sexual Partners - Type of Relationship
  • F7.b - Characteristics of Sexual Partners - Length of Relationships
  • F7.c - Characteristics of Sexual Partners - Race/Ethnicity
  • F7.d - Characteristics of Sexual Partners - Age
  • F8 - Regular Sexual Intercourse
• Contraception and Abortion
  • F9 - Contraceptive Use
  • F10 - Attitudes Toward Abortion
  • F11 - Incidence of Abortion
  • Endnotes for Fertility Section

F1 – Birth Rates

The birth rate measures the number of births that occur to 1,000 adults of reproductive age in any given year. The characteristics of parents at the time of birth, such as age and marital status, are strong predictors of children’s developmental outcomes.⁽¹⁾ For example, teenage fathers tend to be emotionally and financially less prepared for undertaking parental responsibilities,(2) and thus have a lower level of involvement in parenting. Teenage mothers are less likely to complete school, more likely to be a single parent, and more likely to be poor.(3)

Birth rates are based on information collected from birth certificates, combined with population estimates generated by the U.S. Bureau of the Census. Rates for males should be interpreted with caution, however, due to potential biases from underreporting. Over 14 percent of births in 1998, for example, did not have the age of fathers listed on the birth certificate.(4) This is due in part to restrictions on reporting paternal information for birth certificates when the parent are not married.(5) Refer to Tables F1.1 and F1.2 for birth and fertility rates from the National Vital Statistics Report.

Trends. In general, birth and fertility rates of males and females have declined modestly since 1980. For example, the fertility rate for females (the number of births per 1,000 females ages 15 to 44) decreased from 68.4 births in 1980 to 65.9 births in 1999. Rates for males (reported for males ages 15 to 54) declined from 57.0 to 50.8 during that same period. The birth rates for males are based on the population up to age 54 rather than 44, and are thus not directly comparable to the estimates for females.

Figure F1.1
Birth rates by age and gender: 1999

By Age. Males tend to have children at older ages than females (see Figure F1.1). While rates for both sexes now peak at ages 25 to 29, females have higher rates than males for ages 15 to 29 and males have higher rates than females beyond that age. Birth rates among teenage females are more than twice as high as teenage males (49.6 compared to 21.0 per 1,000 in 1999), which may reflect both the under-identification of teen fathers on birth certificates, and the fact that the fathers of the children of teen mothers are often not teens themselves.⁽⁶⁾ By ages 35 to 39, birth rates are 1.4 times higher for males than females (54.9 compared to 38.3 in 1999).

While birth rates declined overall between 1980 and 1999, they increased for males and females at older ages, particularly for females. Among females ages 30 to 34, rates increased from 61.9 to 89.6 per 1,000 during that period, and from 19.8 to 38.3 per 1,000 females ages 35 to 39. Increases for males were more modest, from 91.0 to 101.6 births per 1,000 males ages 30 to 34, and from 42.8 to 54.9 per 1,000 males ages 35 to 39.

At the other end of the age spectrum, rates among young males and females ages 15 to 19 rose between 1980 and the 1990s before declining again. By 1999, birth rates for teenage females were slightly below their 1980 rates while those for teenage males were slightly above.

Figure F1.2
Birth rates for females of reproductive ages by race and Hispanic origin¹: 1980 - 1999

By Race and Hispanic Origin. During the past two decades, among females birth rates were highest among Hispanics, lowest among whites and Asian or Pacific Islanders, with blacks and American Indians in between (see Figure F1.2). The differences between Hispanics and other racial/ethnic groups have been increasing due to opposing trends. Since 1980, birth rates among females have fallen by 17 percent for blacks, 16 percent for American Indians, and 10 percent for Asian or Pacific Islanders, and have remained relatively constant among whites. During the same time period the rates for Hispanic females rose from 95.4 births per 1,000 Hispanic women to 102.0.

For males, published birth rates are available only for whites and blacks. Rates for black males were substantially higher relative to white males throughout the period with rates of 66.9 births per 1,000 black men ages 15 to 54 compared to 48.2 per 1,000 white men ages 15 to 54 in 1999. Birth rates have declined for both groups, but more dramatically among black males, dropping from a high of 84.9 births per 1,000 black males in 1990 to 66.9 per 1,000 in 1999.

By Marital Status. Birth rates among unmarried females have increased substantially from 29.4 births per 1,000 unmarried females ages 15 to 44 in 1980 to 44.4 births per 1,000 in 1999. During the same period, rates for married females fell from 97.0 births per 1,000 married females ages 15 to 44 to 86.5 per 1,000. Birth rates by the marital status of males are not available at this time.

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F2 – Age at First Birth

The timing of childbearing has significant implications for the well-being of parents and children. Early childbearing often reflects socioeconomic disadvantage.⁽⁷⁾ Although it is difficult to disentangle the relative effects of early childbearing and preexisting socioeconomic disadvantage, young mothers face more negative educational and employment outcomes than women who delay childbearing.⁽⁸⁾ The effect of early childbearing may not be as strong for fathers as for mothers. For example, one study indicates that early fatherhood is associated with lower levels of schooling, income, and working hours, but its impact disappears when other socio-economic factors are taken into account.⁽⁹⁾

Young parents have limited economic, social, and developmental resources available for children, which may have negative effects on their development. Younger mothers have a higher risk of having a low birthweight infant, and their children are more likely to experience long-term morbidity and infant mortality.⁽¹⁰⁾ Children born to teenage mothers are more likely to repeat a grade in high school, less likely to graduate from high school, and more likely to become victims of abuse and neglect than are those born to older parents;⁽¹¹⁾ they are also more likely themselves to have a teenage birth.⁽¹²⁾

Although childbearing at older ages has become more common compared to several decades ago, mothers older than 45 are still at higher risk of having a low birthweight infant, mainly due to their higher likelihood of having multiple births.⁽¹³⁾

This section presents the data from the National Health and Social Life Survey, 1992, one of the few surveys that collected fertility information from both males and females (refer to Table F2.1).

By Gender. Females were three times more likely than males to experience their first birth before age 20 (33 percent compared to 11 percent), suggesting that teenage mothers’ partners are not necessarily teenagers themselves. Almost half of males have their first birth after age 25 compared to a quarter of females (see Figure F2.1). This is due in part to the tendency of some unmarried females to not report paternal information for birth certificates.⁽¹⁴⁾

By Race and Hispanic Origin. Regardless of gender, black, non-Hispanics and Hispanics are more likely than white, non-Hispanics and Asians to have had their first birth before age 20. Among females, the percentage having a birth before age 20 was 57 percent for black, non-Hispanics and 41 percent for Hispanics, compared to 28 percent for white, non-Hispanics and 8 percent for Asians. The same pattern holds true for males although they have lower percentages in each racial group.

Figure F2.1
Age at first birth by gender: 1992

By Marital Status. Currently unmarried adults are more likely than married adults to have had the first birth before age 20 (see Figure F2.2). Almost half (45 percent) of mothers who are not currently married had their first birth before age 20 compared to 29 percent of currently married mothers. The same pattern holds true for fathers.

By Poverty Status. Poor parents, particularly mothers, are more likely to have had their first birth during adolescence (see Figure F2.2). Slightly more than half of mothers in poverty had their first birth before age 20 compared to 29 percent of nonpoor mothers. The same pattern holds true for fathers. Fathers in poverty are twice as likely as nonpoor fathers to have had their first birth before age 20 (21 percent compared to 10 percent).

By Employment Status. Early childbearing (before age 20) is related to the current employment status of mothers. Mothers working full-time are more likely to have had their first birth before age 20 than part-time workers (36 percent compared to 28 percent). The percentage having children before age 20 does not differ by employment status for males.

Figure F2.2
Percentage of adults ages 18 to 59 who had the first birth
before age 20 by poverty status, marital status, and gender: 1992

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F3 – Number of Pregnancies

Information about pregnancy has typically been available only for women. Increased attention to the roles of men as they become fathers has led to an interest in basic descriptive information on male fertility. Here we present comparable data for males and females on the incidence of pregnancy by varied social and demographic factors.

Although we do not present data here on pregnancy intention, many studies have found negative consequences related to unintended pregnancies and births. Females with an unintended pregnancy are more likely to experience maternal depression during the pregnancy, ⁽¹⁵⁾ less likely to receive prenatal care, and more likely to engage in behaviors such as smoking that may cause health problems related to pregnancy and birth.^(16),(17) Reflecting these disadvantages, research has also found that children who were unwanted or mistimed are more likely to receive fewer developmental resources at home during their childhood.^(18),(19) Little is known about the effects of unintended births on the fathers or about the implications of paternal intentions for children.⁽²⁰⁾

This section reviews data from the 1992 National Health and Social Life Survey (NHSLS), one of only a few national surveys that collected fertility information from both males and females (refer to Table F3.1). (Note: Analyses of survey data indicate that abortions and pregnancies are underreported in surveys. However, certain analyses of NHSLS data suggest that responses are not “systematically biased downward,” and that discrepancies may, in fact, reflect individuals’ and medical institutions’ dissimilar definitions of these events.⁽²¹⁾ We report these data because they are currently the only data on pregnancy for adult males.⁽²²⁾⁾

By Gender. Females are more likely than males to report pregnancies. In 1992, 44 percent of females and 29 percent of males reported three or more pregnancies. Conversely, 34 percent of males reported no pregnancies compared to 21 percent of females.

By Race and Hispanic Origin. Non-Hispanic white females are less likely to report ever having been pregnant than non-Hispanic black females. In 1992, 78 percent of white, non-Hispanic females reported that they had any pregnancies compared to 87 percent of black, non-Hispanic females. Additionally, black, non-Hispanic females are about 1.7 times more likely than non-Hispanic white and Hispanic females to report five or more pregnancies. Little variation by race or ethnicity in the number of pregnancies is found among males.

By Age. Not surprisingly, the number of females and males reporting any pregnancies increases with age. Ninety-two percent of females ages 45 to 59 report at least one pregnancy compared to 85 percent of females ages 25 to 44, and 40 percent of females ages 18 to 25. The pattern is similar for males, except that fewer males report one pregnancy or more.

By Poverty Status. Males in poverty are less likely to report any pregnancies (56 percent) than nonpoor males (71 percent). Females are just as likely to report any pregnancies, regardless of poverty status (78 percent of poor women, compared to 81 percent of nonpoor women).

By Marital Status. Not unexpectedly, those who are currently married are more likely to have had pregnancies than those who are not married. At least 90 percent of married males and females reported at least one pregnancy (see Figure F3.1). Among those who are not currently married, females are more likely than males to report one or more pregnancies. One-third of unmarried males reported one or more pregnancies, compared to 56 percent of females.

Figure F3.1
Percentage of adults ages 18 to 59 reporting one pregnancy
or more by marital status and gender: 1992

By Educational Attainment. The percentage of females reporting three pregnancies or more decreases substantially as education increases (see Figure F3.2), though a similar pattern is not found among males. In 1992, 32 percent of females with a college degree reported three or more pregnancies compared to 63 percent for those without a high school education.

By Employment Status. Current employment status is strongly related to pregnancy among males, but not among females. In 1992, close to half (45 percent) of part-time male workers reported any pregnancy compared to 73 percent of full-time workers.

Figure F3.2
Percentages of adults ages 18 to 59 reporting three pregnancies
or more by educational attainment and gender: 1992

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F4 – Premarital Birth

Childbearing outside of marriage has continuously increased for several decades among women of all ages.(23) Premarital births, births occurring before first marriage, have received considerable attention⁽²⁴⁾ due to socio-economic disadvantages prevalent among unmarried parents and their children.⁽²⁵⁾ Marital status at first birth is strongly associated with poverty status and welfare receipt, regardless of the age of the mother.⁽²⁶⁾ Similarly, women with nonmarital births are more likely to have lower educational attainments, less likely to work full-time, and more likely to earn lower incomes.⁽²⁷⁾ It is important to note, however, that women who have nonmarital births tend to be disadvantaged before the birth⁽²⁸⁾ and therefore it is difficult to clearly differentiate the effects of nonmarital births from their pre-existing disadvantages.

Children born to unmarried parents are more likely to be disadvantaged than children born to married parents.⁽²⁹⁾ Children born to unmarried parents are more likely to grow up in a single-parent family,^(30),(31) which has been associated with poverty status(32) and lower educational attainment.⁽³³⁾ Research suggests that two-parent families are more likely to provide more developmental resources for children than single-parent families.⁽³⁴⁾ Nonmarital births increasingly occur to cohabiting couples.⁽³⁵⁾ Therefore, being born to unmarried parents does not necessarily mean that the child is growing up in a single-parent household. However, cohabiting relationships tend to last for a relatively short period of time.⁽³⁶⁾ Instability in family structure, such as multiple living arrangements among children born to unmarried parents, has been found to be associated with recurring risky sexual behaviors, such as premarital sex during adolescence, as well as having a premarital birth.^(37),(38),⁽³⁹⁾

This section reviews the percentages of premarital births⁽⁴⁰⁾ among males and females ages 18 to 59 from the 1992 National Health and Social Life Survey, which is one of the few national datasets that collect fertility information from both males and females (refer to Table F4.1).

By Gender. The percentage of adults ages 18 to 59 who had a premarital birth is slightly higher among females than males (19 percent compared to 15 percent). The difference is larger for younger adults. Females ages 18 and 24 are more than five times as likely as their male counterparts to have a premarital birth (21 percent compared to 4 percent), which may indicate that male partners of unmarried mothers are older.

By Race and Hispanic Origin. Non-Hispanicblacks are more likely to report a premarital birth than other racial/ethnic groups. Slightly more than half of non-Hispanic black females reported a premarital birth compared to 28 percent of Hispanics, 12 percent of non-Hispanic whites, and 6 percent of Asians or Pacific Islanders. These estimates for women ages 18 to 59 in 1992 are similar to the estimates obtained from women ages 15 to 44, as reported in the National Survey of Family Growth, 1995 (see Figure F4.1). A similar pattern holds true for males, with non-Hispanic blacks being more likely than men from other racial/ethnic backgrounds to have had a premarital birth.

Figure F4.1
Percentage of females ages 15 to 44 who had a pre-marital birth
by race and Hispanic origin: 1995

SOURCE: National Survey of FAmily Grouth, 1995 ⁴¹

Table F4.1
Percentage of adults ages 18 to 59 who had their first birth before their first marriage: 1992

	Males	Females
1Estimates for all race categories exclude persons of Hispanic origin Persons of Hispanic origin maybe of any race. 2 Parental status was determined by the number of children in a household at the time of interview. Nonparent refers to those with nonresident children (including those given to adoption or foster care) or deceased. Estimates calculated among those working for pay in the last week. Source: Estimates calculated by Child Trends based on analyses of the 1992 National Health and Social Life Survey.
Total	15	19
Race and Hispanic Origin1
White non-Hispanic	12	12
Black non-Hispanic	31	53
Hispanic	20	28
Asian/Pacific Islander	13	6
American Indian/Alaskan Native	14	48
Poverty Status
Poor	22	35
Nonpoor	15	15
Marital Status
Currently married	18	17
Not currently married	10	24
Parental Status 2
Resident parent	22	27
Nonparent	9	10
Age of Respondent
18 to 24 years old	4	21
25 to 44 years old	19	21
45 to 59 years old	14	14
Educational Attainment
Less than high school	19	35
High school diploma or GED	18	24
Vocational/technical or some college	11	14
College graduate	13	10
Employment Status3
Less than 40 hours per week	13	20
40 or more hours per week	16	20

By Educational Attainment. The percentage of females with a premarital birth declines significantly as education increases (see Figure F4.2). Thirty-five percent of females without a high school education reported a premarital birth compared to 24 percent of high school graduates or GED recipients, 14 percent of those with vocational or technical training or some college education, and 10 percent of college graduates. A similar pattern is found among males. Males with a high school education or less were more likely to report a premarital birth than males with some college, vocational/technical school or college degree.

By Poverty Status. Poor adults are far more likely than nonpoor adults to have had a premarital birth (22 percent of males and 35 percent of females in poverty compared to 15 percent of nonpoor males and females).

By Marital Status. Current martial status is related to having had a premarital birth, but in opposite directions for males and females. Currently married males are more likely than unmarried males to have had a premarital birth (18 percent compared to 10 percent) whereas unmarried females are more likely than married females to have had a premarital birth (24 percent compared to 17 percent).

Figure F4.2
Percentage of adults ages 18 to 59 who had a pre-marital birth by educational attainment and gender: 1992

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F5 – Age at First Sexual Intercourse

An indicator of age at first sexual intercourse compares the characteristics of those who had an early sexual debut with those who delayed first sexual intercourse. It also shows the proportion of sexually experienced populations by age. Because of the negative consequences of early sexual initiation, monitoring early sexual initiation has been of great interest to researchers and policy makers. Those who become sexually active at an earlier age have a longer period of exposure to risks such as unintended pregnancies.⁽⁴²⁾ Furthermore, early initiation of sex has been found to increase the likelihood of having more sexual partners and the frequency of sexual intercourse^,(43),(44) which in turn increases the chances of contracting sexually transmitted diseases and experiencing unintended pregnancy.⁽⁴⁵⁾

This section reviews data from the National Health and Social Life Survey, 1992, one of the few national surveys that collected fertility information from both males and females (refer to Table F5.1).

By Gender. Among adults ages 18 to 59 in 1992, over half (55 percent) of males and 43 percent of females reported having their first sexual intercourse before age 18 (see Figure F5.1). Fifteen percent of males and 6 percent of females report early sexual initiation (sexual intercourse prior to age 15). By age 18-19, 78 percent of males and 71 percent of females are sexually experienced (i.e., have ever had sexual intercourse).

By Race and Hispanic Origin. Non-Hispanic blacks were more likely than other racial/ethnic groups to report first sexual intercourse before they turn 18 (see Figure 5.2). Before age 18, over three quarters of non-Hispanic black males had their first sexual intercourse compared to 60 percent of Hispanics, 52 percent of white, non-Hispanics, 36 percent of American Indians and 21 percent of Asian Americans. A quarter of non-Hispanic black males reported having their first sexual intercourse between the age of 13 and 14 compared to 16 percent of Hispanics and 10 percent of non-Hispanic whites.

Asians and Pacific Islanders were far more likely to delay their first sexual intercourse until at least age 18 than other racial groups. The vast majority of Asian females (84 percent) had their first sexual intercourse after they turned 18, whereas 57 percent of Hispanics, 54 percent of non-Hispanic whites, and 37 percent of non-Hispanic blacks did the same. In particular, 23 percent of Asian females did not have their first sexual intercourse until they turned 25 compared to between 1 and 9 percent for other racial groups. The same pattern holds true for males.

Figure F5.1
Percentage of adults age 18 to 59 who had their first sexual intercourse
by the specified age, by gender: 1992

Figure F5.2
Percentage of males ages 18 to 59 who had sexual intercourse
by the specified age, by race and Hispanic origin: 1992

By Educational Attainment. College graduates are far more likely than those without a high school education to delay their first sexual intercourse until they turn 18. The differences are particularly pronounced among females. Twenty-one percent of females with a college degree had their first intercourse prior to age 18 compared to 67 percent of females without a high school education. For males, the rates are 39 percent and 64 percent, respectively.

By Poverty Status. Females in poverty are more likely to have their first sexual intercourse at a very young age than those who are not poor. Fourteen percent of poor females had their first sexual intercourse before age 15 compared to 6 percent of nonpoor females. The same pattern holds true for males but the difference is not statistically significant.

By Age. Average age at first sexual intercourse has been declining. Sixty-eight percent of males ages 18 to 24 had their first sexual intercourse before age 18 compared to 41 percent of males ages 45 and older. The same pattern also holds true for females (56 percent of younger females compared to 30 percent of older females).

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F6 – Number of Sexual Partners

Having sexual intercourse with multiple partners increases the chances of being exposed to, contracting, and transmitting STDs and AIDS. Even a person with a single partner can be at a high risk of sexually transmitted infestations when their partner is involved in other sexual relationships.⁽⁴⁶⁾ The high number of sexual partners among adolescents, particularly adolescent males,⁽⁴⁷⁾ is of special concern for these reasons. Additionally, a strong association has been found between having multiple sexual partners and other risk behaviors among youth including the use of alcohol and illicit drugs, early sexual initiation,⁽⁴⁸⁾ and violence and aggression.⁽⁴⁹⁾

Data from the General Social Survey, 1988 to 2000, are used for this indicator. The data show the percentages of males and females ages 18 to 65 who had two or more sexual partners (either concurrent or serially) in the last 12 months (refer to Table F6.1).

By Gender. The percentage of adults who report having two or more sexual partners in the last 12 months remained fairly stable during the last decade. In 1988, males were almost twice as likely as females to report having two or more sexual partners (22 percent of males compared to 12 percent of females). The percentages remained virtually the same a decade later (22 percent of males in 2000 compared to 11 percent of females).

By Race and Hispanic Origin. Racial/ethnic differences are found only among males. Non-Hispanic black males are more likely to report having two or more partners than other racial/ethnic groups except Hispanics (see Figure F6.1). In 2000, 33 percent of non-Hispanic black, 20 percent of non-Hispanic white, and 13 percent of Asian or Pacific Islander and American Indian males had at least two sexual partners. The percentage of Hispanics with multiple partners (34 percent) is also higher than most other racial groups but the difference between Hispanics and non-Hispanic whites is not statistically significant.

By Age. Adults ages 45 and older are far less likely than adults under the age of 45 to report having multiple sexual partners. In 2000, 11 percent of males age 45 and older had two or more partners compared to 39 percent of males ages 18 to 24 and 29 percent of males ages 25 to 44. The same pattern holds true for females.

By Marital Status. Not surprisingly, single adults are far more likely than those who are married to report having multiple sexual partners within the last 12 months. Thirty three percent of single males and 4 percent of married males had two or more sexual partners in the past 12 months. Although less frequent, the same pattern holds true for females (15 percent of single females compared to 2 percent of married females).

Figure F6.1
Percentage of adults ages 18 to 65 reporting two or more sexual partners
in the last 12 months by race and Hispanic origin and gender: 2000

By Parental Status. Males without children were twice as likely as fathers to report having two or more partners in the last 12 months (31 percent compared to 15 percent). The same pattern holds true for females (15 percent compared to 9 percent respectively).

By Employment Status. The number of sexual partners in the past 12 months differs by employment status. Males who are not in the labor force are far less likely than full- or part-time workers to report having multiple sexual partners in the last 12 months. In 2000, 8 percent of those who were not in labor force, 27 percent of full-time workers and 18 percent of part-time workers had two or more partners in the past 12 months. Some variations are also found among females but differences are often not statistically significant.

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F7.a – Characteristics of Sexual Partners – Type of Relationship

This section reviews four indicators related to the characteristics of sexual partners: (1) seriousness of relationship with the current or most recent sexual partner, (2) length of relationship with the first and current or most recent sexual partner, (3) race/ethnicity of the current or most recent sexual partner, and (4). age of the current or most recent sexual partner.

The level of seriousness of sexual relationships has been found to be associated with sexual behaviors, particularly contraceptive use.⁽⁵⁰⁾ Females in steady relationships are more likely to report contraceptive use than those who are “just friends with,” or who “just met” their sexual partners.⁽⁵¹⁾ On the other hand, steady and close relationships have been found to be inversely related to the use of condoms among males.⁽⁵²⁾ Males are more likely to use contraceptives to prevent sexually transmitted diseases in casual relationships than in more serious, committed relationships.⁽⁵³⁾

This section reviews data on the seriousness of relationships at first sexual intercourse with the current or most recent sexual partner. Data for males and females are reviewed separately except for adolescents due to the lack of comparable data. Two national surveys asked the same question but to different age groups: the National Survey of Family Growth (NSFG) collected data from females ages 15 to 44 and the National Survey of Adolescent Males (NSAM) collected data from males ages 15 to 19 and 21 to 27 (refer to Table F7.1). The NSFG is expected to start collecting comparable data from both genders in 2002.

Adolescents.Adolescent males and females are most likely to wait to have sexual intercourse until their relationship has become somewhat formalized (going together or going steady) (see Figure F7a.1). However, of those who report first sexual intercourse at earlier stages, adolescent males are more likely than females to report a casual relationship at first sexual intercourse with their current or more recent sexual partner. Of the three categories of casual relationships (just met, just friends and went out once in a while) males were significantly more likely than females to report sexual intercourse at the just friends and going out stages.

Figure F7a.1
Percentage of males and females ages 15 to 19 reporting the seriousness of relationship
with the most recent sexual partner at the first sexual intercourse: 1995

	Just Met	Just Friends	Went Out Once in a While	Going Together/ Going Steady	Engaged	Married
Males	6	18	16	57	2	1
Females	4	10	11	69	4	2

SOURCES: For males, National Survey of Adolescent Males, 1995. Population estimates calculated by the Urban Institute. For females, National Survey of Family Growth, 1995. Population estimates calculated by the National Center for Health Statistics.

Table F7.1
Seriousness of relationship at first sex with current or most recent partner (in percents): 1995

	Males
	Just Met	Just friends	Going out once in a while	Going together or going steady	Engaged but not living together	Married	Living together in romantic, sexualrelationship
1Estimates for whites, blacks, and other races exclude Hispanics of those races. Parsons of Hispanic origin may be of any race. *= This information has been suppressed due to an insufficient number of cases. na = data not available Source: Estimates supplied by the Urban Institute, based on data from the 1995 National Survey of Adolescent Males.
Total (ages 15 to 19)	6	18	16	57	2	1	1
Race and Hispanic Origin1
White non-Hispanic	6	15	16	60	2	1	1
Black non-Hispanic	5	26	17	48	1	0	2
Hispanic	7	17	16	55	3	0	2
Other non-Hispanic	*	*	*	*	*	*	*
Parental Status
Parent	4	10	10	65	2	9	1
Nonparent	6	18	16	56	2	0	1
Educational Attainment
Less than high school	6	18	17	56	1	0	1
High school diploma or GED	6	17	12	59	3	2	1
Vocational/technical or some college	2	15	19	60	0	0	5
College graduate	na	na	na	na	na	na	na
Total (ages 21 to 27)	8	17	14	50	4	3	4
Race and Hispanic Origin1
White non-Hispanic	7	17	13	50	4	3	5
Black non-Hispanic	4	18	16	57	1	3	1
Hispanic	9	12	22	44	6	4	3
Other non-Hispanic	24	23	5	31	8	9	1
Parental Status
Parent	3	10	10	57	7	6	8
Nonparent	9	19	16	48	3	3	3
Educational Attainment
Less than high school	7	16	17	50	0	7	2
High school diploma or GED	4	16	15	50	3	6	6
Vocational/technical or some college	12	19	12	46	4	2	5
College graduate	4	15	16	56	6	1	1
Employment Status
Not in labor force	3	20	16	47	7	6	2
Looking for work	14	21	7	49	0	5	3
Less than 35 hours per week	9	26	15	48	0	1	1
35 hours or more per week	7	14	15	51	4	4	5

Table F7.1 (con't)
Seriousness of relationship at first sex with current or most recent partner (in percents): 1995

	Females
	Just Met	Just Friends	Going Out Once inWhile	Going Steady	Engaged	Married
1 Estimates for whites, blacks, and other races exclude Hispanics of those races. Persons of Hispanic origin maybe of any race. Source: Estimates supplied by the National Center for Health Statistics, based on data from the 1995 National Survey of Family Growth.
Total	5	10	10	55	8	12
Race and Hispanic Origin1
White non-Hispanic	5	9	10	57	8	11
Black non-Hispanic	4	16	13	59	4	4
Hispanic	3	9	9	44	8	26
Other non-Hispanic	4	12	7	35	7	34
Poverty Status
Poor (0 to 99% poverty)	7	16	11	50	6	10
Extreme poverty (at 50% or less)	9	19	12	50	4	4
Nonpoor	4	10	10	55	8	13
100% to 199% of poverty	5	12	11	51	8	14
200% to 299% of poverty	5	9	9	54	9	14
300% or more of poverty	4	9	11	58	8	12
Parental Status
Parent	4	9	10	52	9	15
Nonparent	5	12	12	61	4	6
Age
15 to 25 years old	4	11	10	65	5	6
15 to 19 years old	4	10	11	69	4	2
20 to 24 years old	5	12	9	63	5	7
25 to 44 years old	5	10	11	52	9	14
Educational Attainment
Less than high school	7	13	11	52	6	11
High school diploma or GED	5	11	10	54	9	11
Some college	4	10	10	57	9	11
College graduate	4	8	11	56	6	16
Employment Status
Not in labor force	5	10	9	51	8	16
Looking for work	5	14	24	50	4	2
Less than 35 hours per week	4	8	8	58	8	14
35 hours or more per week	4	11	11	56	8	10

Males Ages 15 to 19 and Ages 21 to 27

By Race and Hispanic Origin. White, non-Hispanic teenage males are more likely than black, non-Hispanic males to report a serious relationship (going together/going steady, engaged, married or living together) at the time of first sexual intercourse with their current or most recent sexual partner (see Figure F7a.2). In 1995, 63 percent of white, non-Hispanic adolescent males reported a formal relationship compared to 51 percent of black, non-Hispanic adolescent males.

Black, non-Hispanic males ages 15 to 19 are more likely than white, non-Hispanic males in that age group to report casual relationships (just met, just friends, went out once in a while) at first sexual intercourse with their most recent partner. In contrast, there is no significant difference between non-Hispanic blacks and whites in the 21 to 27 year age group. The percentages of those reporting first sexual intercourse within a casual relationship are not substantially different across race/ethnicity categories.

Figure F7a.2
Seriousness of relationship with the current or most recent sexual partner
at the first sexual intercourse by race and Hispanic origin for males ages 15 to 19: 1995

Females Ages 15 to 44

Total. About three quarters of females ages 15 to 44 were relatively committed to their current partner the first time they has sexual intercourse with them. In 1995, more than half of females (55 percent) were “going steady,” 8 percent were engaged, and 12 percent were married when they first had sexual intercourse with theircurrent or most recent partner (refer to Table F7.1). Relatively few (5 percent) reported having casual sexual intercourse with someone they just met.

By Poverty Status. Females in the highest income bracket (incomes at 3 times the poverty level or more) are more likely than those in extreme poverty (incomes at 50 percent of the poverty line or less) to report a relatively stable and exclusive relationship with their current partner (i.e., going steady, engaged or married) when they first had sexual intercourse. For example, at the time of first sexual intercourse with their most recent partner 58 percent of females in the highest income bracket were going steady compared to 50 percent of females in extreme poverty, 8 percent were engaged (compared to 4 percent in extreme poverty) and 12 percent were married (compared to 4 percent in extreme poverty).

By Race and Hispanic Origin. Although some racial/ethnic variations are found, the majority of females in any racial/ethnic group report an exclusive relationship with their most recent sexual partner. Seventy-eight percent of Hispanic females, 76 percent of white, non-Hispanic females and 67 percent of black, non-Hispanic females were in a committed relationship (i.e., going steady, engaged or married) with their current or most recent partner when they first has sexual intercourse with them. Hispanic females (34 percent) and those in the “other” category (26 percent) are more likely to be married when they first have sex with their current partner than are white, non-Hispanic (11 percent) and black, non-Hispanic females (4 percent).

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F7.b – Characteristics of Sexual Partner – Length of Relationships

The duration of an individual's first sexual relationship provides one measure of the circumstances of their first sexual experience. The length of an individual’s most recent sexual relationship provides a snapshot of other sexual relationships that an individual may have had.

The length of relationships has been associated with sexual behaviors that directly affect pregnancy and birth rates, including contraceptive use, although findings differ by types of contraceptives. For example, longer relationships were associated with an increased likelihood of contraceptive use among unmarried young males and females⁽⁵⁴⁾ but were associated with reduced condom use among young males.⁽⁵⁵⁾ Furthermore, the length of sexual relationships may be associated with a reduced perceived risk of contracting sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) from a partner,⁽⁵⁶⁾ which in turn may affect sexual behaviors.

Data from the National Survey of Family Growth (NSFG) 1995, are used to estimate the length of sexual relationship with one’s first partner as well as current or most recent partner.⁽⁵⁷⁾ Data were reported by females ages 15 to 44 only (refer to Table F7.2 and F7.3). The NSFG did not collect information from males but is expected to start collecting comparable data for both genders in 2002.

The first sexual relationship of most females (62 percent), lasted a year or more. In particular, 36 percent of females reported their first sexual relationship lasted four years or more. Nevertheless, for 21 percent of females, the first sexual relationship lasted for two months or less. (see Figure F7b.1).

Most recent or current sexual relationships have lasted for four years or more for the majority of females (64 percent). Fifteen percent reported that their relationship has lasted for less than a year (see Figure F7b.1).

By Race and Hispanic Origin. For Hispanic females, first sexual relationships are more likely to be long-term and less likely to be short-term than for non-Hispanic whites or blacks. In 1995, half of Hispanic females reported that their first relationship lasted for 4 years or more compared to 30 percent of non-Hispanic blacks and 34 percent of non-Hispanic whites. Fourteen percent of Hispanic women reported that their relationship with their first sexual partner lasted for 2 months or less compared to more than one fifth of non-Hispanic blacks and whites.

The racial/ethnic pattern is different for the most recent relationship. For black, non-Hispanic females, the length of current or most recent sexual relationship is less likely to be long-term than any other race/ethnicity. About half (52 percent) of non-Hispanic blacks reported that their current or most recent sexual relationship had lasted for four years or more compared to approximately two thirds of Hispanics, non-Hispanic whites and females in the “other” race category.

Figure F7b.1
Percentage of females ages 15 to 44 reporting length of
sexual relationships: 1995

Table F7.2
Length of sexual relationship with first sexual partner (in percents): 1995

	Females
	0-2 months	3-11 months	12-47 months	48 or more
Total (ages 15-44)	21	17	26	36
Race and Hispanic Origin1
White non-Hispanic	22	18	26	34
Black non-Hispanic	23	16	31	30
Hispanic	14	11	26	50
Other non-Hispanic	16	14	23	48
Poverty Status
Poor (0 to 99% poverty)	22	14	29	36
Extreme poverty (at 50% or less)	21	16	33	30
Nonpoor	21	17	26	36
100% to 199% of poverty	23	16	25	36
200% to 299% of poverty	21	17	26	36
300% or more of poverty	21	18	27	35
Marital Status
Married	17	13	22	49
Not Married	27	21	33	19
Parental Status
Parent	18	13	22	46
Nonparent	26	22	34	18
Age
15 to 25 years old	28	21	37	14
25 to 44 years old	19	15	23	43
Educational Attainment
Less than high school	26	15	27	33
High school diploma or GED	21	16	24	40
Some college	22	18	28	33
College graduate	18	17	29	35
Employment Status
Not in labor force	21	16	25	38
Looking for work	23	14	28	35
Less than 35 hours per week	24	16	27	33
35 hours or more per week	20	17	27	36
1 Estimates for whites, blacks, and other races exclude Hispanics of those races. Persons of Hispanic origin may be of any race. Source: Estimates supplied by the National Center for Health Statistics, based on data from the 1995 National Survey of Family Growth.

Table F7.3
Length of sexual relationship with current or most recent partner (in percents): 1995

	Females
	0-2 months	3-11 months	12-47 months	48 months or more
1 Estimates for whites, blacks, and other races exclude Hispanics of those races. Persons of Hispanic origin may be of any race. Source: Estimates supplied by the National Center for Health Statistics, based on data from the 1995 National Survey of Family Growth.
Total (ages 15-44)	6	9	21	64
Race and Hispanic Origin1
White non-Hispanic	6	9	20	66
Black non-Hispanic	7	13	28	52
Hispanic	5	8	21	67
Other non-Hispanic	4	4	23	69
Poverty Status
Poor (0 to 99% poverty)	11	13	27	49
Extreme poverty (at 50% or less)	18	14	30	38
Nonpoor	6	8	20	66
100% to 199% of poverty	8	10	22	59
200% to 299% of poverty	6	9	21	64
300% or more of poverty	4	7	19	70
Marital Status
Married	0	1	12	87
Not Married	17	23	36	23
Parental Status
Parent	3	5	15	77
Nonparent	13	17	33	37
Age
15 to 25 years old	17	22	40	21
25 to 44 years old	3	6	15	76
Educational Attainment
Less than high school	11	15	25	49
High school diploma or GED	5	8	19	69
Some college	7	9	21	63
College graduate	4	7	21	68
Employment Status
Not in labor force	7	9	19	65
Looking for work	9	20	35	36
Less than 35 hours per week	8	8	20	65
35 hours or more per week	5	9	22	64

By Parental Status. Parents are two and a half times more likely than nonparents to report long-term first sexual relationships that lasted for four years or more (46 percent compared to 18 percent), and less likely to report short-term first relationships that lasted for 2 months or less (18 percent compared to 26 percent). A similar pattern holds true for the current or most recent sexual relationship.

By Age. For younger females, first sexual intercourse is more likely to occur in a short-term relationship than for older females. Nearly half of young females ages 15 to 25 reported that their first relationship lasted for less than a year. Specifically, 28 percent of young females reported their length of first sexual relationship lasted for two months or less compared to 19 percent of older females ages 25 to 44. Older females are also more likely to report that their first sexual relationship lasted for 4 years or more (43 percent of older females compared to 14 percent of younger females). It should be noted that the length of the first relationship may be underestimated for those, particularly for younger females, whose current partner may be the same as the first partner.

Differences in relationship length by age are even larger for the most recent or current sexual relationship. Not surprisingly, older females are more likely than younger females to report a long-term relationship lasting for four years or more (76 percent compared to 21 percent). The magnitude of the difference shows the degree to which the nature of sexual relationships change as women get older.

By Poverty Status. Substantial differences in relationship length by poverty status are found only for the most recent or current relationship. Females in poverty, and particularly those in extreme poverty, are much less likely than nonpoor females to be in a long-term relationship lasting for four years or more. Forty-nine percent of poor females, 38 percent of females in extreme poverty, and 66 percent of nonpoor females have current or most recent sexual relationships that lasted 4 years or more.

By Educational Attainment. Substantial differences by educational attainment are also found only for the current or most recent sexual relationship. For females without a high school diploma length of most recent relationship is more likely to be short-term and less likely to be long-term than for females with any other educational status. For example, 11 percent of females without a high school diploma compared to 4 percent of college graduates report their most recent sexual relationship was short-term and lasted for 2 months or less. Half (49 percent) of respondents with less than a high school diploma report long-term sexual relationships lasting for four years or more, compared to 68 percent of college graduates.

By Marital Status. Not surprisingly, married females’ current or most recent sexual relationships are mostly long-term. In 1995, 87 percent of married females reported long-term relationships lasting for four years or more compared to 23 percent of nonmarried females.

The same pattern holds true for first sexual relationships. Females who are currently married are far more likely to have had long-lived first sexual relationships than unmarried females (49 percent compared to 19 percent lasting four years or more).

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F7.c – Characteristics of Sexual Partners – Race/Ethnicity

The characteristics of sexual partners often influence decisions about contraceptive use, and risk of pregnancy and childbearing.⁽⁵⁸⁾ Additionally, shifts in racial/ethnic patterns in choosing sexual partners can reflect larger social and demographic trends. For example, the degree to which certain racial/ethnic groups choose sexual partners from within or outside their own race/ethnicity may mirror larger patterns in society.

The data for males and females are presented separately because they come from two different national data files. In 1995, the National Survey of Family Growth (NSFG) collected data from females ages 15 to 44 and the National Survey of Adolescent Males collected data from males 15 to 19 and 21 to 27. The NSFG will collect comparable data from both genders in 2002 (refer to Table F7.4).

By Gender. Figure F7.1 shows the percentage of males and females with a current or most recent sexual partner outside their own racial/ethnic group. Hispanics are more likely than non-Hispanic whites and blacks to have a sexual partner outside of their own racial/ethnic group. In 1995, 29 percent of Hispanic females ages 15 to 44 reported a current or most recent sexual relationship with males outside of their own racial/ethnic group, compared to 6 percent of black, non-Hispanic females and 7 percent of white, non-Hispanic females. Hispanic males were even more likely than Hispanic females to report an interracial sexual partner. For example, almost half of Hispanic males ages 21 to 27 (48 percent) reported that their current or most recent sexual partner was outside of their own ethnic group, compared to 8 percent of white, non-Hispanic males and 19 percent of black, non-Hispanic males. Males ages 15 to 19 show a similar pattern.

When Hispanics have partners outside of their own ethnic group, their partners are more likely to be white, non-Hispanic than black, non-Hispanic. For example, 23 percent of Hispanic females ages 15 to 44 reported that their current or most recent sexual partner was white, non-Hispanic, while 4 percent had a black, non-Hispanic partner. Likewise, 35 percent of Hispanic males ages 21 to 27 had a white, non-Hispanic partner whereas 4 percent had a black, non-Hispanic partner. It should be noted, however, that a large difference in the population size between, non-Hispanic whites and blacks may have affected this pattern.

Black, non-Hispanic males in their twenties are more than twice as likely as white, non-Hispanic males to have a sexual partner outside of their own racial/ethnic group (21 percent of non-Hispanic blacks aged 15-19 compared to 8 percent of non-Hispanic whites). No substantial difference is found between black, non-Hispanic and white, non-Hispanic females (see Figure F7c.1).

Figure F7c.1
Percentage of interracial/ethnic sexual partners by race and Hispanic origin⁽⁵⁹⁾ and gender: 1995

Race and Hispanic Origin of Respondents	Percentage of males and females with a current or most recent sexual partner outside their own racial/ethnic group
	Males 15 to 19	Males 21 to 27	Females 15 to 44
SOURCE: For males, National Survey of Adolescent Males, 1995; the percentages were calculated by Urban Institute. For females, National Survey of Family Growth, 1995; the percentages were calculated by National Center for Health Statistics.
White, non-Hispanic	8	8	7
Black, non-Hispanic	21	19	6
Hispanic	35	48	29

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F7.d – Characteristics of Sexual Partners - Age

Age of partners, and the age differences between partners in particular, may affect the nature of relationships, which in turn may affect sexual behaviors. Female adolescents with an older partner are less likely to report using contraception at their first sexual intercourse⁽⁶⁰⁾ as well as at their most recent sexual intercourse, and are more likely to become pregnant than female adolescents with a partner closer in age.⁽⁶¹⁾

Data for males and females are reviewed separately due to the lack of comparable data. Two national surveys asked the same question but to different age groups. The 1995 National Survey of Family Growth (NSFG) collected data from females ages 15 to 44. The National Survey of Adolescent Males (NSAM) collected data from males ages 15 to 19 and 21 to 27 in 1988 and 1995. The NSFG is expected to start collecting comparable data from both genders in 2002 (refer to Table F7.5).

Males. Although the percentage of adolescent males reporting a current or most recent sexual partner under age 20 remained about the same (92 and 91 percent) between 1988 and 1995, the percentage of adolescent males ages 15 to 19 with a current or most recent sexual partner under age 15 doubled from 4 percent in 1988 to 8 percent in 1995 (see Figure F7d.1).

Figure F7d.1
Percentage of males ages 15 to 19 and 21 to 27 by most recent partner’s age: 1988 & 1995

SOURCE: National Survey of Adolescent Males, 1988 and 1995. The estimates were calculated by Urban Institute. Females. Among sexually experienced females ages 15 to 19, 22 percent reported their current or most recent sexual partner was age 20 or older. A fairly large percentage (16 percent) of females ages 25 to 44 reported having an adolescent partner under age 20 (see Figure F7d.2).
Age of respondents	Age of Partner
	Under age 20	Under age 15	Ages 15 to 9
15 to 19 in 1988	92	4	88
15 to 19 in 1995	91	8	83
21 to 27 in 1995	9	0	9

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F8 – Regular Sexual Intercourse

The frequency of sexual intercourse is a primary indicator of pregnancy risk and risk of sexual transmitted diseases (STDs).^(62),(63) Individuals who engage in sexual intercourse more frequently and those who do so consistently (e.g., on a regular basis) are more frequently exposed to the risk of becoming pregnant or contracting STDs. It is worth noting however, that although those who are married (or monogamous) may be more likely to report frequent sexual intercourse, they are not necessarily at higher risk of unintended pregnancy or STDs. These individuals may, in fact, be more likely to practice contraception and/or safe-sex habits.⁽⁶⁴⁾

Data from the General Social Survey, 1989 to 2000, show the percentages of all males and females ages 18 to 65 who had sexual intercourse two times or more per month during the last 12 months⁽⁶⁵⁾ (refer to Table F8.1).

Trends. The percentage of adults ages 18 to 65 who had regular sexual intercourse has remained fairly constant for the last decade with slightly more than 60 percent of males and about half of females reporting having had sexual intercourse more than once a month during the last 12 months.

By Gender. Males report a higher likelihood of regular sexual activity than females. In 2000, 60 percent of males compared to 48 percent of females reported having sexual intercourse twice or more per month during the last 12 months.

By Age. The percentage of adults having regular sexual intercourse declines significantly with age for females (more than three-quarters of females ages 18 to 24 compared to slightly more than a quarter of those age 45 and older) (see Figure F8.1). The pattern is somewhat different for males. The percentage of males having regular sexual intercourse was not significantly different between the two younger age groups. The percentage of males having regular sexual intercourse was lower among males ages 45 and older (46 percent) than among those ages 25-44 (74 percent) or ages 18-24 (65 percent). Older males are more likely to report having regular sexual intercourse than their female counterparts (46 percent compared to 27 percent at ages 45 and older).

By Race and Hispanic Origin. Hispanic females are more likely than non-Hispanic black and white females to report having regular sexual intercourse (69 percent of Hispanic females compared to 48 percent of non-Hispanic black females and 46 percent of white, non-Hispanic females). For males, non-Hispanic blacks are more likely to report regular sexual intercourse than non-Hispanic whites (72 percent and 58 percent respectively). The percentage of Hispanic males having regular sexual intercourse is also high but the differences with other races are not statistically significant.

Figure F8.1
Percentage of adults ages 18 to 65 who report
having sexual intercourse two or more times a month
for the last 12 months, by age and gender: 2000

By Marital Status. Not surprisingly, married adults are much more likely than single adults to report having regular sexual intercourse. In 2000, 78 percent of married males and 73 percent of married females reported having regular sexual intercourse compared to about half of single males and 37 percent of single females.

By Poverty Status. Nonpoor males report a higher level of sexual activity than males in poverty. In 1993 (the last year in which estimates were available by poverty status), 65 percent of nonpoor males compared to 43 percent of those in poverty reported having regular sexual intercourse. The same pattern holds true for females; however, differences by poverty status are not statistically significant among females.

By Educational Attainment. Adults without a high school education are much less likely to report having regular sexual intercourse than those with other levels of educational attainment. In 2000, 45 percent of males without a high school education reported having sexual intercourse two or more times a month compared to 59 percent of college graduates. For females, 30 percent with less than a high school education reported sexual intercourse compared to 53 percent of females with a college degree.

By Employment Status. Those who are not in the labor force are about half as likely as full-time workers to report having regular sexual intercourse, regardless of gender. For males, 35 percent of those who were not in the labor force reported regular sexual intercourse compared to 70 percent of full-time workers. For females, 31 percent who were not in the labor force compared to 59 percent of full-time workers reported regular sexual intercourse.

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F9 – Contraceptive Use

The use of contraceptives has significant implications for pregnancy rates, birth rates, and the prevention of sexually transmitted diseases (STDs).(66) Consistent contraceptive use reduces unintended pregnancy,⁽⁶⁷⁾ and consequently reduces abortions and unwanted, mistimed, or unplanned births. Unintended pregnancies continue to affect many in the United States. An analysis of the National Survey of Family Growth, 1995, found that half of all pregnancies were unintended, and almost half of unintended pregnancies occurred to women who did not use any contraceptives.⁽⁶⁸⁾ Therefore, proper contraceptive use and the adequate provision of contraceptives and services are of critical concern to the public.

Data on the types of contraceptives used have implications for STD contraction. The methods that are most effective against unintended pregnancies, such as oral contraceptives, are often different from the methods that are most effective against STDs,⁽⁶⁹⁾ such as condoms.⁽⁷⁰⁾

Although many national surveys collect information on contraceptive use among women, this section uses data from the 1992 National Health and Social Life Survey, one of the few national surveys that collect contraceptive data from both women and men. The percentages were calculated for adults ages 18 to 59 who ever had sexual intercourse.

Contraceptive use at first sexual intercourse is an important marker of unintended pregnancy risk.⁽⁷¹⁾ Furthermore, contraceptive use at first sexual intercourse is a strong predictor of subsequent contraceptive use.⁽⁷²⁾ Contraceptive use at most recent sexual intercourse is a better proxy for regular or current use of contraceptives. Three measures of contraceptive use are presented: 1) any contraceptive use at first sexual intercourse, 2) any contraceptive use at most recent sexual intercourse, and 3) the type of method used at most recent sexual intercourse⁽⁷³⁾ (refer to Tables F 9.1 and F 9.2). For questions about “most recent sexual intercourse” respondents were asked about “the most recent time they had sex in the last 12 months.”

Contraceptive Use at First Sexual Intercourse

By Gender. About one-third of males and females ages 18 to 59 used contraception at first sexual intercourse (34 percent of males and 37 percent of females).

By Age. Contraceptive use at first sexual intercourse has increased over time and is more prevalent among younger adults than older adults (see Figure F9.1). Half of males and females ages 18 to 24 used any method of contraception at first sexual intercourse compared to 26 percent of males and 32 percent of females ages 45 to 59.

By Race and Hispanic Origin. Non-Hispanic white males are more likely than non-Hispanic black or Hispanic males to have used any method of contraception at first sexual intercourse (37 percent of non-Hispanic whites compared to 24 percent of non-Hispanic blacks and 20 percent of Hispanics). The same pattern holds true for females, but the differences are not statistically significant.

Figure F9.1
Percentage of adults ages 18 to 59 who used contraceptives
at first sexual intercourse, by age and gender: 1992

Table F9.1
Percentage of adults ages 18 to 59 who used contraceptives at their first sexual intercourse: 1992

	Males	Females
1Estimates for all race categories exclude persons of Hispanic origin. Persons of Hispanic origin may be of any race. 2 Estimates calculated among those working for pay in the last week. * = This information has been suppressed due to an insufficient number of cases. Source: Estimates calculated by Child Trends based on ana!yses of the 1992 National Health and Social Life Survey.
Total	34	37
Race and Hispanic Origin1
White non-Hispanic	37	40
Black non-Hispanic	24	35
Hispanic	20	29
Asian/Pacific Islander	26	28
American Indian/Alaskan Native	*	13
Poverty Status
Poor	39	32
Nonpoor	34	39
Marital Status
Currently married	30	37
Not currently married	39	38
Parental Status
Resident parent	31	37
Nonparent	36	38
Age of Respondent
18 to 24 years old	50	50
25 to 44 years old	32	36
45 to 59 years old	26	32
Educational Attainment
Less than high school	26	23
High school diploma or GED	24	32
Vocational/technical or some college	41	43
College graduate	39	46
Employment Status2
Less than 40 hours per week	40	39
40 or more hours per week	32	37

By Educational Attainment. Contraceptive use at first sexual intercourse among females increases with education (see Figure F9.2). Females with a college degree are twice as likely as females without a high school education to have used any method of contraception at first sexual intercourse (46 percent compared to 23 percent). A similar pattern is found among males.

Figure F9.2
Percentage of adults ages 18 to 59
who used contraceptives at first sexual intercourse,
by educational attainment and gender: 1992

Contraceptive Use at the Most Recent Sexual Intercourse

By Gender. Both males and females are much more likely to have used some form of contraceptive at their most recent sexual intercourse than at first sexual intercourse (see Figure F9.3). At their most recent sexual intercourse, half of males and 56 percent of females used contraception, whereas 34 percent of males and 37 percent of females used any method of contraception at first sexual intercourse.

Males and females were equally likely to report condom use at the most recent sexual intercourse (17 percent of males and 15 percent of females). However, females are more likely than males to have used other types of contraceptives (45 percent of females compared to 36 percent of males) (see Figure F9.3).

By Age. Contraceptive use decreases with age (see Figure F9.4). Males under 25 years old are more than twice as likely as those ages 45 to 59 to have used any contraception at their most recent sexual intercourse (74 percent compared to 33 percent). In particular, 35 percent of males under age 25 compared to 5 percent of males ages 45 to 59 used condoms. The same pattern holds true for females.

By Marital Status. Contraceptive use at most recent sexual intercourse differs significantly by marital status, particularly among males (see Figure F9.3). Unmarried males are far more likely to have used contraception at most recent sexual intercourse than married males (69 percent compared to 41 percent). Interestingly, married females are more likely than married males to report using contraceptives (53 percent compared to 41 percent).

Unmarried males are three times more likely than married males to use condoms (32 percent compared to 9 percent). Condom use shows a similar pattern by marital status among females as among males. However, the percentage of females using other types of contraceptives does not differ by marital status.

Figure F9.3.
Percentage of adults ages 18 and 59
who used contraceptives at first and most recent sexual intercourse: 1992

	At First Sex		At Most Recent Sex
	Males	Females	Males			Females
	SOURCE: National Health and Social Life Survey, 1992
Any	Any	Condoms	Other	Any	Condoms	Other	Any
Total	34	37	17	36	50	15	45	56
Current Marital status
Not Married	39	38	32	44	69	26	46	64
Married	30	37	9	32	41	11	44	53

By Poverty Status. Poverty status shows significant differences for condom use among males only. Males in poverty are more likely to have used condoms at their most recent sexual intercourse than nonpoor males (25 percent compared to 15 percent).

By Parental Status. Contraceptive use at most recent sexual intercourse differs by parental status but only for males. Males without children are more likely than males with children to have used any method of contraception at most recent sexual intercourse (54 percent compared to 47 percent). The difference was mostly due to the difference in condom use (20 percent of nonfathers compared to 13 percent of fathers).

Figure F9.4
Percentage of adults ages 18 to 59 who used contraception
at their most recent sexual intercourse, by age and gender: 1992

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F10 – Attitudes Toward Abortion

Abortion remains one of the most controversial social issues in the United States, lending increased importance to, and interest in, public opinion regarding abortion. Studies have indicated that public opinion affects abortion rates primarily through its influence on abortion policies and access to abortion services.⁽⁷⁴⁾ Higher levels of public support have been linked to the formation of more lenient laws and public policy related to abortion,⁽⁷⁵⁾ more access to abortion services and higher utilization, which in turn may affect abortion rates. One study suggests that the recent decline in abortion rates may be, at least partially, attributed to the enactment of more restrictive laws.⁽⁷⁶⁾

Attitudes on abortion may vary depending on the reason cited for having an abortion. Furthermore, when women receive abortions, the vast majority of them cite multiple socioeconomic and family-related factors in their decision to obtain an abortion.⁽⁷⁷⁾

To assess attitudes towards abortion as a function of the reasons cited for the abortion, several questions from the General Social Survey (GSS) are examined. Adult respondents were asked whether they felt it should be possible for a woman to obtain a legal abortion if: 1) there is a strong chance of serious defect in the baby, 2) the woman is not married and does not want to marry the man, 3) the family has a very low income and cannot afford any more children, 4) the woman’s own health is seriously endangered by the pregnancy, 5) the woman is married and does not want any more children, 6) the woman became pregnant as a result of rape, and 7) the woman wants an abortion for any reason. The items were measured in selected years between 1980 and 2000 (refer to Table F10.1 and F10.2).

By Gender. Males and females have strikingly similar attitudes toward abortion (see Figure F10.1). The vast majority of adults ages 18 to 65 (87 percent of females and 91 percent of males) support legal abortion when the woman’s health is endangered. About 80 percent of adults support legal abortion when the woman became pregnant as a result of rape (79 percent of females and 84 percent of males) or when there is a strong chance of serious defect in the baby (77 percent of females and 82 percent of males). On the other hand, only about 40 percent of adults support legal abortion for any reason or the following three reasons: 1) the woman’s desire not to marry the man, 2) low income, and 3) the woman’s desire not to have more children.

Figure F10.1
Percentage of respondents supporting abortion for six different reasons: 2000

	Male	Female
SOURCE: General Social Survey, 2000
The woman’s health is endangered by the pregnancy	91	87
The woman became pregnant as a result of rape	84	79
There is a strong chance of serious defect in the baby	82	77
The woman does not want to marry the man	41	39
The family cannot afford any more children	44	43
The woman is married and does not want any more children	44	39
Any reason	40	41

Support For Abortion

Trends. Attitudes towards abortion have generally remained stable and similar across gender over the last two decades. However, the levels of support for abortion have been slowly declining since 1980 for three circumstances: 1) the woman does not want to marry the man, 2) the woman is not married and does not want any more children, and 3) the family cannot afford any more children (although the difference between 1980 and 2000 was not statistically significant for males). For example, in 1980, 53 percent of males supported legal abortion “when the family cannot afford any more children,” and the level of support decreased to 44 percent in 2000.

For the remainder of the reasons for having an abortion, attitudes essentially remained the same. For example, about 38 percent of females and 41 percent of males supported legal abortion for any reason in 1980. The percentages remained virtually the same a decade later (41 percent of females and 43 percent of males in 1990) and two decades later (41 percent of females and 40 percent of males in 2000). The following sections review the support for abortion for any reason by socio-demographic characteristics.

By Parental Status. Parents are less likely to support abortion for any reason (see Figure F10.2). Slightly more than half of females who were not parents supported legal abortion for any reason in 2000 compared to 38 percent of mothers. The same pattern holds true for males (45 percent of nonparents compared to 37 percent of fathers).

By Educational Attainment. Adults with higher educational attainment are much more likely to support legal abortion for any reason than those with lower educational attainment (see Figure F10.2). In 2000, slightly more than half of college graduates supported legal abortion for any reason compared to about 30 percent of those without a high school education.

By Employment Status. Attitudes toward abortion differ by employment status but only among females. Females with full-time work are more likely to support legal abortion than those who are not in the labor force. In 2000, 46 percent of female full-time workers supported legal abortion for any reasons compared to 34 percent of those who were not in labor force.

Figure F10.2
Percentage of adults ages 18 to 65
who support legal abortion for any reason, by parental status and educational attainment: 2000

[Go To Contents]

F11 – Incidence of Abortion

Reducing the number of unintended pregnancies and consequently the number of abortions continues to be a challenging policy goal. According to analyses of the National Survey of Family Growth, half of all pregnancies in 1994 were unintended, and half of these unintended pregnancies ended in abortion.⁽⁷⁸⁾ Unintended pregnancies have been found to be the primary reason for abortions.⁽⁷⁹⁾ Other factors, most associated with the woman’s perceived financial, social, and opportunity costs of parenthood, appear to predict the incidence of abortion as well. Characteristics such as being under 20 years old, over 35 years old, unmarried, without previous conception, and/or more highly educated or from a highly educated family are associated with higher rates of abortion.⁽⁸⁰⁾

It is important to note that, compared to counts reported by abortion providers, abortions are underreported in national surveys.^(81),(82) This may be due to individual reluctance to report having had an abortion, or to differences in the way that individuals and medical institutions define abortion.⁽⁸³⁾

This section reviews the data from the 1992 National Health and Social Life Survey (NHSLS), one of few national surveys that collect fertility information from both males and females. Two types of data are presented: 1) the percentage of all adults who ever had an abortion; and 2) of adults who had pregnancies, the percentage of those who ever had an abortion. The first indicator shows the overall patterns of abortions while the second indicator shows what percent of adults resort to abortions when they experience pregnancies, and whether such percentages differ by socio-demographic characteristics (refer to Table F11.1).

By Gender. Among all adults ages 18 through 59, 16 percent of females and 12 percent of males have ever had a pregnancy terminated by an abortion. For those who have experienced a pregnancy, the numbers increase to 21 and 18 percent, respectively.

By Age. Among males who ever caused a pregnancy and females who have ever had a pregnancy, the likelihood of having an abortion decreases with age (see Figure F11.1). Among females in this group, 39 percent of those under age 25 have had an abortion compared to 24 percent among those ages 25 to 44, and 9 percent for ages 45 through 59. The pattern is similar among men. When considering all adults, regardless of pregnancy history, males and females ages 18 to 24 are somewhat less likely than those ages 25 to 44 to have had an abortion due to the fact that fewer of them have ever been pregnant.

By Educational Attainment. Adults without a high school education are less likely to report having had an abortion than those with at least some college or more (see Figure F11.2). Among females who have ever had a pregnancy, 15 percent of those without a high school education had had an abortion compared to 26 percent of college graduates. Among males, the rates are 13 percent and 21 percent, respectively.

Figure F11.1
Percentage of females ages 18 to 59
who ever had an abortion by age: 1992

Figure F11.2
Of those who had pregnancies, percentage of adults ages 18 to 59
who ever had an abortion,
by educational attainment and gender: 1992

Table F11.1
Percentage of adults ages 18 to 59 who have ever had an abortion: 1992

	Males		Females
	Among the entire population	Among those who have had a pregnancy	Among the entire population	Among those who have had a pregnancy
Total	12	18	16	21
Race and Hispanic Origin1
White non-Hispanic	11	16	15	20
Black non-Hispanic	12	18	16	19
Hispanic	19	26	19	25
Asian/Pacific Islander	15	24	31	38
American Indian/Alaskan Native	15		13	14
Poverty Status
Poor	5	10	14	18
Nonpoor	14	20	18	23
Marital Status
Currently married	11	13	15	16
Not currently married	12	39	18	35
Parental Status
Resident Parent	13	15	19	20
Nonparent	11	23	13	23
Age of Respondent
18 to 24 years old	9	44	15	39
25 to 44 years old	14	21	20	24
45 to 59 years old	8	8	8	9
Educational Attainment
Less than high school	8	13	13	15
High school diploma or GED	9	14	16	19
Vocational/technical or some college	13	22	17	23
College graduate	14	21	18	26
Employment Status2
Less than 40 hours per week	9	21	14	18
40 or more hours per week	12	17	18	24
1Estimates for all race categories exclude persons of Hispanic origin. Persons of Hispanic origin may be of any race. 2 Estimates calculated among those working for pay in the last week. * = This information has been suppressed due to an insufficient number of cases. Source: Estimates calculated by Child Trends based on analyses of the 1992 National Health and Social Life Survey.

By Marital Status. While the likelihood of an abortion does not differ significantly by marital status for the population as a whole, among those who have ever had a pregnancy the rates are far higher among those who are not currently married than for married adults (for example, 39 percent compared to 13 percent among males).

By Poverty Status. Nonpoor males are twice as likely as poor males to report an abortion (20 percent compared to 10 percent among those who have ever had pregnancies). For females, the difference by poverty status was much smaller and not statistically significant.

[Go To Contents]

Endnotes for Fertility Section

(1) Moore, K. A., Miller, B. C., Morrison, D. R, and Glei, D. (1995). Adolescent sex, contraception, and childbearing: A review of recent research. Washington, D.C.: Child Trends.

(2)Furstenberg, F. F., Brooks-Gunn, J., & Chase-Lansdale, L. (1989). Teenaged pregnancy and childbearing. American Psychologist, 44, 313-320.

(3)Kirby, D. (1997). No easy answers: Research findings on programs to reduce teen pregnancy. Washington, DC: the National Campaign to Prevent Teen Pregnancy.

(4)Ventura, S. J. et al. (2000). Births: Final data for 1998. National Vital Statistics Report, 48 (3) Hyattsville, MD.: National Center for Health Statistics.

(5)Ventura, S.J., and Bachrach, C.A. Nonmarital childbearing in the united states, 1940-1999. National Vital Statistics Reports, 48 (16). Hyattsville, MD: National Center for Health Statistics.

(6)Landry, D.J., and Forrest, J.D. (1995). How old are U.S. fathers? Family Planning Perspectives, 27, 159-165.

(7)Moore, K.A., Myers, D., Morrison, D.R., Nord, C., Brown, B., & Edmonstron, B. (1993). Age at first childbirth and later poverty. Journal of Research on Adolescence, 3(4), 393-422.

(8)Hotz, V.J., McElroy, S.W., & Sanders, S.G. (1996). The impacts of teenage childbearing on the mothers and the consequences of those impacts for government. In Maynard, R.A. (ed) (1996). Kids having kids: Economic costs and social consequences of teen pregnancy. Washington, DC: The Urban Institute Press.

(9)Brien, M.J. & Willis, R.J. (1996). Costs and consequences for the fathers. In Maynard, R.A. (Ed.) (1996). Kids having kids: Economic costs and social consequences of teen pregnancy. Washington, DC: The Urban Institute Press.

(10)Ventura, S.J., Martin, J.A., Curtin, S.C., Menacker, F. & Hamilton, B.E. (2001). Births: final data for 1999. National Vital Statistics Reports, 49(1). Hyattsville, MD: National Center for Health Statistics.

(11)Moore, K.A., Morrison, D.R., & Greene, A.D. (1996). Effects on the children born to adolescent mothers. In In Maynard, R.A. (ed) (1996). Kids having kids: Economic costs and social consequences of teen pregnancy. Washington, DC: The Urban Institute Press.

(12)Manlove, J., Terry, E., Gitelson, L., Papillo, A.R., & Russell, S. (2000). Explaining demographic trends in teenage fertility, 1980 –1995. Family Planning Perspectives, 32(4)166-175.

(13)Ventura, S.J., Martin, J.A., Curtin, S.C., Menacker, F. & Hamilton, B.E. (2001). Births: final data for 1999. National Vital Statistics Reports, 49(1). Hyattsville, MD: National Center for Health Statistics.

(14)Ventura, S.J., Martin, J.A., Curtin, S.C., Menacker, F. & Hamilton, B.E. (2001).

(15)Brown, S.S. & Eisenberg, L. (1995). The best intentions: Unintended pregnancy and the well-being of children and families. Washington, DC: National Academy Press.

(16)Baydar, N. (1995). Consequences for children of their birth planning status. Family Planning Perspectives, 27(6), 228-234 & 245; Brown, S.S. & Eisenberg, L. (1995).

(17)Brown, S.S. & Eisenberg, L. (1995).

(18)Baydar, N. (1995).

(19)Brown, S.S. & Eisenberg, L. (1995).

(20)Brown, S.S. & Eisenberg, L. (1995).

(21)Michael, R. T. (2001). Abortion decisions in the United States. In E. O. Laumann and R. T. Michael (Eds.), Sex, love, and health in the United States (pp. 377-438). Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

(22)Fu, H., Darroch, J. E., Henshaw, S. K. & Kolb, E. (1998). Measuring the extent of abortion underreporting in the 1995 National Survey of Family Growth. Family Planning Perspectives, 30(3), 128-133 & 138.

(23)Bachu, A. (1999). Trends in premarital childbearing: 1930 to 1994. Current Population Reports, P23-197. U.S. Census Bureau, Washington, DC.

(24)Bachu, A. (1999).

(25)Terry-Humen, E., Manlove, J., & Moore, K.A. (2001). Births outside of marriages: Perceptions vs. reality. Child Trends research brief, Washington, DC: Child Trends.

(26)Maynard, R.A. (ed) (1996). Kids having kids: Economic costs and social consequences of teen pregnancy. New York, NY:The Robin Hood Foundation.

(27)Driscoll, A.K., Hearn, G.K., Evans, V.J., Moore, K.A., Sugland, B.W., & Call, V. (1999). Nonmarital childbearing among adult women. Journal of Marriage and Family, 61(1), 178-187.

(28)Terry-Humen, E., Manlove, J., & Moore, K.A. (2001).

(29)Terry-Humen, E., Manlove, J., & Moore, K.A. (2001).

(30)Bumpass, L., & Lu, H. (2000). Trends in cohabitation and implications for children’s family contexts in the United States. Population Studies, 29-41.

(31)Bennett, N.G., Bloom, D.E., & Miller, C.K. (1995). The influence of nonmarital childbearing on the formation of first marriages. Demography, 32(1), 47-62.

(32)McLanahan, S. (1995). The consequences of nonmarital childbearing for women, children, and society. In National Center for Health Statistics, Report to Congress on out-of-wedlock childbearing. Hyattsville, MD: National Center for Health Statistics.

(33)Knox, V. & Bane, M.J. (1994). Child support and schooling. In Garfindkel, I., Mclanahan, S., Robins, P. (Eds.). Child support and child well-being. Washington, DC: The Urban Institute.

(34)McLanahan, S.S., & Sandefur, G. (1994). Growing up with a single parent: What hurts, what helps. Cambridge, MA: Harvard Press.

(35)Terry-Humen, E., Manlove, J., & Moore, K.A. (2001).

(36)Terry-Humen, E., Manlove, J., & Moore, K.A. (2001).

(37)Aquilino, WS. (1996). The life course of children born to unmarried mothers: Childhood living arrangements and young adult outcomes. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 58(2), 293 –310.

(38)Wu, L.L. (1996). Effects of family instability, income, and income stability on the risk of a premarital birth. American Sociological Review, 61(2), 386-406.

(39)Moore, K.A., Morrison, D.R. & Glei, D. (1995). Welfare and adolescent sex: The effects of family history, benefit levels and community context. Journal of Family and Economic Issues, 16(2, 3), 207-238.

(40)The percentages were calculated for those who had their first birth before their first marriage or those who had a birth but were never married.

(41)Abma, J., Chandra, A., Mosher, W., Peterson, L., & Piccinino, L. (1997). Fertility, family planning , and women's health: New data from the 1995 National Survey of Family Growth. National Center for Health Statistics. Vital and Health Statistics Series 23(19).

(42)Moore, K.A., Miller, B.C., Glei, D., & Morrison, D.R. (1995). Adolescent sex, contraception, and childbearing: A review of recent research. Washington, DC: Child Trends.

(43)Koyle, P., Jensen, L., Olsen, J., & Cundick, B. (1989). Comparison of sexual behaviors among adolescents having an early, middle, and late first intercourse experience. Youth and Society, 20(4), 461-475.

(44)Seidman, S.N., Mosher, W.D., & Aral, S.D. (1994). Predictors of high-risk behavior in unmarried American women: Adolescent environment as a risk factor. Journal of Adolescent Health, 15, 126-132.

(45)Moore, K.A., Miller, B.C., Glei, D., & Morrison, D.R. (1995).

(46)Finer, L.B., Darroch, J.E., & Singh, S. (1999). Sexual partnership patterns as a behavioral risk factor for sexually transmitted diseases. Family Planning Perspectives, 31(5), 228-236.

(47)Laumann, E. L., Gagnon, J.H., Michael, R.T., & Michaels, S. (1994). The Social organization of sexuality. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

(48)Santelli, J. S., Brener, N.D., Lowry, R., Bhatt, A., & Zabin, L.S. (1998). Multiple sexual partners among U.S. adolescents and young adults. Family Planning Perspectives, 30 (6), 271-275.

(49)Valois, R.F., Oeltmann, J., Waller, J., & Hussey, J. (1999). Relationship between number of sexual intercourse partners and selected health risk behaviors among public high school adolescents. Journal of Adolescent Health 25(5), 328 –335.

(50)Kirby, D. (2001). Emerging answers: Research findings on programs to reduce teen pregnancy. Washington, DC: National Campaign to Prevent Teen Pregnancy.

(51)Manning, W.D., Longmore, M.A., & Giordano, P.C. (2000). The relationship context of contraceptive use at first intercourse. Family Planning Perspectives, 32(3), 104-110.

(52)Pleck, J.H., Sonenstein, F.L., & Swain, S.O. (1988). Adolescent males’ sexual behavior and contraceptive use: Implications for male responsibility. Journal of Adolescent Research, 3(3-4), 275-284.

(53)Forste, R. & Morgan, J. (1998). How relationships of U.S. men affect contraceptive use and efforts to prevent sexually transmitted diseases. Family Planning Perspectives, 30(2), 56-62.

(54)Sack, A.R., Billingham, R.E., & Howard, R.D. (1985). Premarital contraceptive use: A discriminant analysis approach. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 14 (2), 165-182.

(55)Ku, L., Sonenstein, F.L., & Pleck, J.H. (1994). The dynamics of young men’s condom use during and across relationships. Family Planning Perspectives, 26(6), 246-251.

(56)Reisen, C.A. & Poppen, P.J. (1999). Partner-specific risk perception: a new conceptualization of perceived vulnerability to STDs. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 29, 667-684.

(57)The length of relationships was calculated as the number of months between the first sexual intercourse and the last sexual intercourse with a partner, or the date of the interview if the partner was considered to be a current partner at the time of interview.

(58)Kirby, D. (2001). Emerging answers: Research findings on programs to reduce teen pregnancy. Washington, DC: National Campaign to Prevent Teen Pregnancy.

(59)Persons of Hispanic origin may be of any race.

(60)Abma, J., Discoll, A., & Moore, K. (1998). Young women’s degree of control over first intercourse: An exploratory analysis. Family Planning Perspectives, 30(1), 12-18.

(61)Darroch, J.E., Landry, D.J., & Oslak, S. (1999). Age differences between sexual partners in the United States. Family Planning Perspectives, 31(4), 160-167.

(62)The Alan Guttmacher Institute (1999). Why is teenage pregnancy declining? The roles of abstinence, sexual activity and contraceptive use. New York: the Alan Guttmacher Institute.

(63)Moore, K.A., Miller, B.C., Glei, D. & Morrison, D.R. (1995). Adolescent sex, contraception, and childbearing: A review of recent research. Washington, DC: Child Trends.

(64)Chandra, A., Abma, J., & Mosher, W, personal communication, Feb. 12, 2002.

(65)It should be noted that a limitation of this survey question is the long recall period for the respondents. Respondents with more irregular patterns of sexual activity may find it harder to average their experience over a 12 month period of time.

(66)Piccinino, L.J. & Mosher, W.D. (1998). Trends in contraceptive use in the United States: 1982-1995. Family Planning Perspectives, 30 (1), 4-10 & 46.

(67)Kirby, D. (2001). Emerging answers: Research findings on programs to reduce teen pregnancy. Washington, DC: National Campaign to Prevent Teen Pregnancy.

(68)Henshaw, S.K. (1998). Unintended pregnancy in the United States. Family Planning Perspectives, 30 (1), 24-29 & 46.

(69)Santelli, J.S., Warren, C.W., Lowry, R., Sogolow, E., Collins, J., Kann, L., Kaufmann, R.B. & Celentano, D.D. (1997). The use of condoms with other contraceptive methods among young men and women. Family Planning Perspectives, 29(6), 261-267.

(70)Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (1995). HIV/AIDS surveillance report. CDC: Washington, DC.

(71)Moore, K. A., Miller, B.C., Glei, D., & Morrison, D.R. (1995). Adolescent sex, contraception, and childbearing: A review of recent research. Washington, DC: Child Trends.

(72)Pleck, J.H., Sonenstein, F.L., & Swain, S.O. (1988). Adolescent males; sexual behavior and contraceptive use: Implications for male responsibility. Journal of Adolescent Research, 3(3-4): 275-284.

(73)Respondents may have used both condoms and other types of contraceptives simultaneously, and in such cases, the same respondent was counted twice and included in both percentages. Thus, the aggregated percentage for condom users and ‘other methods’ users is either equal to or greater than the percentage of respondents who used ‘any’ contraceptives.

(74)Wetstein, M. & Albritton, R.B. (1995). Effects of public opinion on abortion policies and use in the American states. Publius: The Journal of Federalism, 25(4), 91-105.

(75)Wetstein, M. & Albritton, R.B. (1995).

(76)The Alan Guttmacher Institute. (1994). Sex and America’s teenagers. New York, NY: The Alan Guttmacher Institute.

(77)The Alan Guttmacher Institute. (1997). The limitations of U.S. statistics on abortion. New York, NY: The Alan Guttmacher Institute.

(78)Henshaw, S. K. (1998). Unintended pregnancy in the United States. Family Planning Perspectives, 30(1), 24-29 & 46.

(79)Fu, H., Darroch, J.E., Henshaw, S.K., & Kolb, E. (1998). Measuring the extent of abortion underreporting in the 1995 National Surveys of Family Growth. Family Planning Perspectives, 30(3), 128-133 &138.

(80)Michael, R. T. Abortion decisions in the United States. In E. O. Laumann and R. T. Michael (Eds.), Sex, love, and health in the United States (pp. 377-438). Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2001.

(81)The Alan Guttmacher Institute (1997). Issues in brief – The limitations of U.S. statistics on abortion, 1.

(82)Jones E.J., & Forrest J.D. (1992). Underreporting of abortion in surveys of U.S. women: 1976 to 1988, Demography, 29(1):113–126; cited in Fu, H., Darroch, J.E., Henshaw, S.K., & Kolb, E. (1998). Measuring the extent of abortion underreporting in the 1995 National Surveys of Family Growth. Family Planning Perspectives, 30(3), 128-133 &138.

(83)Michael, R. T. (2001). Abortion decisions in the United States. In E. O. Laumann and R. T. Michael (Eds.), Sex, love, and health in the United States (pp. 377-438). Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

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