Charting Parenthood: A Statistical Portrait of Fathers and Mothers in America

Parenting Section:

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Contents

• Attitudes Towards Parenting
  • P1 - Importance of Becoming a Parent
  • P2 - Adult Attitudes About the Value of Children
  • P3 - Parents: Can One Be as Good as Two?
  • P4 - Parents' Beliefs About Raising Children
  • P5 - Adults' Attitudes Toward Spanking
  • P6 - Parents' Responsibility for Children
• Parenting Practices
  • P7 - Limit Setting
  • P8 - Conflict Resolution in Families
• Closeness and Conflict between Parents and Children
  • P9 - Degree of Closeness Adolescent Feels Toward Parent
  • P10 - Warmth and Affection
  • P11 - Conflict Between Parents and Adolescents
  • P12 - Incidence of Harsh Punishment, Violence, or Abuse
• Child Care and Other Activities with Children
  • P13 - Direct Care of Pre-school Children by Fathers
  • P14 - Time Spent with Children
  • P15 - Parents' Activities with Children
  • P16 - Religious Activities With Children
• Parenting and School
  • P17 - Parental Participation in Child's School Activities
  • P18 - Encouragement of Child(ren)'s School Achievement
• Nonresidential Parenting
  • P19 - Child Custody Arrangements
  • P20 - Contact With Nonresident Parent
• Parental Income
  • P21 - Earnings and Income
  • P22 - Receipt of Child Support
  • Endnotes for Parenting Section

P1 - Importance of Becoming a Parent

By the age of 35, it has been estimated that eighty-three percent of adults in the U.S. will be the parent of a child. ^{(1), (2)} Research indicates that the proportion of women that expect to be permanently childless remains low, and the proportion voluntarily childless even lower. ⁽³⁾, ⁽⁴⁾

Attitudes about becoming a parent can change over time, and are not perfect predictors of future behavior. One study reports that a quarter of women who were "very sure" that they did not want to have children changed their minds over just two years. ⁽⁵⁾ Still, adults' attitudes about the importance of becoming a parent provide insight into how critical being a parent is to feeling fulfilled as an adult.

In order to assess the attitudes of adults concerning the importance of having children, two questions from the General Social Survey (GSS) are examined. Adult respondents were asked to report how much they agreed with the following two statements: 1) "People who have never had children lead empty lives;" and 2) "A marriage without children is not fully complete." The first item was measured in 1988 and 1994, while the second was only measured in 1988 (refer to Table P1.1 and P1.2).

Attitudes About The Fulfillment Of Having Children

By Gender. Males and females were just as likely to agree or strongly agree that people who never have children lead empty lives, although the overall percentage is low (about one-fifth of the total male and female respondents in 1994). The percentage of women in this category dropped from 28 to 18 percent between 1988 and 1994.

By Parental Status. Not surprisingly, parents of both sexes were significantly more likely than nonparents to believe that people who have never had children lead empty lives (28 percent compared to 9 percent among males, and 21 percent compared to 9 percent among female)

By Age. Those ages 45 and over were significantly more likely than younger adults to agree or strongly agree that people who have never had children lead empty lives. For males in 1994, 11 percent of respondents ages 18 to 24, 16 percent of the respondents ages 25 to 44, and 29 percent of respondents ages 45 and older agreed or strongly agreed. Among females the percentages were 15, 11, and 25 percent, respectively.

By Educational Attainment. Respondents with less than a high school education place greater emphasis on the importance of having a child than those with higher levels of educational attainment (see Figure P1.1). In 1994, 41 percent of males and 38 percent of females with less than a high school education agreed or strongly agreed that people who never have children lead empty lives as compared to 13 percent of males and 7 percent of females with a college degree.

By Employment Status. Males and females who are not in the labor force are considerably more likely than others to feel that those without children lead empty lives. For example, among males in 1994 the percentage ranged from 33 percent among those not in the labor force to 19 percent for those working 35 or more hours per week.

Attitudes About The Fulfillment of Having Children in a Marriage

By Gender. Almost one-half of all respondents in 1988 agreed or strongly agreed that a marriage without children is not fully complete. There was no significant difference between males and females. In fact, with few exceptions there was no substantial difference between men and women in any population category on this issue.

By Marital Status. Married men were more likely (49 percent) than nonmarried men (38 percent) to agree or strongly agree that a marriage without children was not complete; however, no significant difference was noted for women.

By Parental Status. Parents were substantially more likely than nonparent respondents to agree or strongly agree that a marriage without children is not fully complete (52 percent compared to 28 percent among males and 49 percent compared to 30 percent among females).

By Age. Adults ages 45 and over were more likely than younger respondents to believe that a marriage without children is not fully complete. For males, 35 percent of respondents ages 18 to 24, 33 percent of the respondents ages 25 to 44, and 59 percent of respondents ages 45 and older agreed or strongly agreed. Among females, the numbers were 41, 35, and 55 percent, respectively.

By Educational Attainment. Substantial differences were also found by education level. For males in 1988, 53 percent of respondents with less than a high school education agreed or strongly agreed with the statement as compared to 45 percent of those with a high school diploma or equivalent and only 33 percent of college graduates. The same pattern emerges for females with 56, 44, and 34 percent, respectively.

By Employment Status. Adults who were not in the labor force were significantly more likely to agree or strongly agree that a marriage without children is not fully complete compared to their counterparts who worked more than 35 hours per week. In 1988, 55 percent of men and 53 percent of women who were not in the labor force agreed or strongly agreed with this statement as compared to 38 percent of men and 37 percent of women who worked 35 hours or more per week.

Figure P1.1
Percentage of respondents who agree or strongly agree that people who have never had
children lead empty lives, by level of educational attainment: 1994

Table P1.1
Percentage of adults ages 18 to 65 who either agree or strongly agree that people
who have never had children lead empty lives: 1988 &1994

	Males		Females
	1988	1994	1988	1994
Total	25	21	28	18
Race and Hispanic Origin1
White non-Hispanic	25	21	28	17
Black non-Hispanic	21	24	23	19
Hispanic	22	26	37	20
Asian/Pacific Islander	*	*	*	*
American Indian/Alaskan Native	28	*	18	17
Poverty Status
Poor	34	na	34	na
Borderline poor2	42	na	35	na
Non-poor	24	na	27	na
Marital Status
Currently married	30	24	25	17
Not currently married	20	19	30	19
Parental Status
Parent	32	28	32	21
Non-parent	12	9	16	9
Age of Respondent
18 to 24 years old	10	11	16	15
25 to 44 years old	17	16	20	11
45 to 65 years old	40	29	38	25
Educational Attainment
Less than high school	43	41	44	38
High school diploma or GED	21	20	26	17
Vocational/technical or some college	20	12	27	12
College graduate	16	13	11	7
Employment Status
Not in labor force	42	33	34	30
Looking for work	*	8	*	20
Less than 35 hours per week	18	17	24	16
35 hours or more per week	19	19	23	8
Note: Scores based on three categories - Strongly Agree or Agree, Neither Agree nor Disagree,and Disagree or Strongly Disagree. 1Estimates for all race categories exclude Hispanics of those races. Persons of Hispanic origin may be of any race. 2 Since GSS respondents reported their income in categories, it was unclear whether some respondents' incomes fell above or below the poverty threshhold. These cases were designated "borderline poor". * = This information has been suppressed due to an insufficient number of cases. na = data not available Source: Estimates calculated by Child Trends based on analyses of the 1988 and 1994 General Social Surveys.

Table P1.2
Percentage of adults ages 18 to 65 who either agree or strongly agree that
a marriage without children is not fully complete: 1988

	Males	Females
Total	43	45
Race and Hispanic Origin1
White non-Hispanic	43	46
Black non-Hispanic	49	44
Hispanic	46	45
Asian/Pacific Islander	*	*
American Indian/Alaskan Native	33	30
Poverty Status
Poor	51	48
Borderline poor2	54	59
Nonpoor	42	44
Marital Status
Currently married	49	46
Not Currently Married	38	45
Parental Status
Parent	52	49
Nonparent	28	30
Age of Respondent
18 to 24 years old	35	41
25 to 44 years old	33	35
45 to 65 years old	59	55
Educational Attainment
Less than high school	53	56
High school diploma or GED	45	44
Vocational/technical or some college	34	39
College graduate	33	34
Employment Status
Not in labor force	55	53
Looking for work	*	*
Less than 35 hours per week	46	44
35 hours or more per week	38	37
Note: Scores based on three categories - Strongly Agree or Agree, Neither Agree nor Disagree, and Disagree or Strongly Disagree. 1Estimates for all race categories exclude Hispanics of those races. Persons of Hispanic origin may be of any race. 2Since GSS respondents reported their income in categories, it was unclear whether some respondents' incomes fell above or below the poverty threshhold. These cases were designated "borderline poor." * = This information has been suppressed due to an insufficient number of cases. Source: Estimates calculated by Child Trends based on analyses of the 1988 General Social Survey.

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P2 - Adult Attitudes About the Value of Children

Parents' attitudes about children's worth and importance play a large role in shaping the ways in which they interact with their children and the types of expectations that they set for them. ⁽⁶⁾, ⁽⁷⁾ Research suggests that the different styles of valuing children that parents adopt are often related to parents' desired outcomes for their children. For instance, parents that value children for their economic utility tend to seek obedience from them, and more educated parents tend to encourage their children toward finding good jobs in adolescence and adulthood. In contrast, children valued for their love and companionship tend to have parents who are seeking pleasant and sociable children. Across these different styles, children who are valued more tend to be less likely to end up the victims of maltreatment ⁽⁸⁾ or verbal abuse. ⁽⁹⁾

More broadly, the degree to which adults value children highly has implications for public policy and social programs aimed at the welfare of children. A society that places great emphasis on children and their development is more likely to make the social investments critical to children's well-being.

In order to assess the attitudes of adults concerning the value of children, two questions from the General Social Survey (GSS) are examined. Adult respondents were asked to report how much they agreed with the following two statements: 1) "watching children grow up is life's greatest joy;" and 2) "it is better not to have children because they are such a heavy financial burden." The first item was measured in both 1988 and 1994, while the second was only measured in 1988 (refer to Table P2.1 and P2.2).

Attitudes about the Joys of Watching Children Grow Up

By Gender. The overwhelming majority of adults agreed or strongly agreed with the statement that "watching children grow up is life's greatest joy." There was a modest decline between 1988 and 1994, however, from 84 to 78 percent among males, and from 88 to 83 percent among females. In both years a greater percentage of females than males endorsed this statement (see Figure P2.1).

Figure P2.1.
Percentage of men and women who agree or strongly agree
that watching children grow up is life's greatest joy: 1988 and 1994

Table P2.1
Percentage of adults ages 18 to 65 who either agree or strongly agree that
watching children grow up is life's greatest joy: 1988 & 1994

	Males		Females
Total	84	78	88	83
Race and Hispanic Origin1
White non-Hispanic	83	77	87	81
Black non-Hispanic	86	85	89	87
Hispanic	81	73	91	90
Asian/Pacific Islander	*	*	*	*
American Indian/Alaskan Native	98	*	87	96
Poverty Status
Poor	88	na	94	na
Borderline poor2	88	na	82	na
Nonpoor	84	na	87	na
Marital Status
Currently married	90	83	88	87
Not Currently Married	78	74	88	80
Parental Status
Parent	90	87	91	89
Nonparent	73	62	77	61
Age of Respondent
18 to 24 years old	77	82	88	89
25 to 44 years old	85	76	87	80
45 to 65 years old	85	81	89	84
Educational Attainment
Less than high school	89	86	92	94
High school diploma or GED	86	79	89	87
Vocational/technical or some college	76	76	95	91
College graduate	78	71	75	62
Employment Status
Not in labor force	87	86	91	91
Looking for work	*	87	*	87
Less than 35 hours per week	75	71	88	79
35 hours or more per week	84	76	85	76
Note: Scores based on three categories - Strongly Agree or Agree, Neither Agree nor Disagree,and Disagree or Strongly Disagree. 1Estimates for all race categories exclude Hispanics of those races. Persons of Hispanic origin may be of any race. 2 Since GSS respondents reported their income in categories, it was unclear whether some respondents' incomes fell above or below the poverty threshhold. These cases were designated "borderline poor". * = This information has been suppressed due to an insufficient number of cases. na = data not available Source: Estimates calculated by Child Trends based on analyses of the 1988 and 1994 General Social Surveys.

Table P2.2
Percentage of adults ages 18 to 65 who either agree or strongly agree
that it is better not to have children because a heavy they are such financial burden: 1988

	Males	Females
Total	5	4
Race and Hispanic Origin1
White non-Hispanic	5	4
Black non-Hispanic	1	1
Hispanic	17	10
Asian/Pacific Islander	*	*
American Indian/Alaskan Native	3	0
Poverty Status
Poor	9	5
Borderline poor2	8	7
Nonpoor	5	4
Marital Status
Currently married	3	3
Not Currently Married	8	5
Parental Status
Parent	5	4
Nonparent	6	5
Age of Respondent
18 to 24 years old	6	5
25 to 44 years old	4	2
45 to 65 years old	7	6
Educational Attainment
Less than high school	16	7
High school diploma or GED	3	3
Vocational/technical or some college	0	16
College graduate	2	2
Employment Status
Not in labor force	8	5
Looking for work	*	*
Less than 35 hours per week	8	2
35 hours or more per week	4	4
Note: Scores based on three categories - Strongly Agree or Agree, Neither Agree nor Disagree, and Disagree or Strongly Disagree. 1Estimates for all race categories exclude Hispanics of those races. Persons of Hispanic origin may be of any race. 2Since GSS respondents reported their income in categories, it was unclear whether some respondents' incomes fell above or below the poverty threshhold. These cases were designated "borderline poor." * = This information has been suppressed due to an insufficient number of cases. Source: Estimates calculated by Child Trends based on analyses of the 1988 General Social Survey.

By Parental Status. Parents of both genders are considerably more likely than nonparents to believe that watching children grow up is life's greatest joy. In 1994, 87 percent of fathers compared to 62 percent of nonfathers agreed or strongly agreed with this statement. The results were similar among women.

By Educational Attainment. As educational attainment increases, adults are generally less likely to agree with the statement that "watching children grow up is life's greatest joy." In 1994, 94 percent of women with less than a high school education agreed or strongly agreed compared to only 62 percent of women who were college graduates. The percentages for men were 87 and 71 percent, respectively.

Attitudes about Whether It Is Better Not To Have Children Because They Are Such A Heavy Financial Burden

By Gender. In general, adults do not tend to think that children are such a heavy financial burden that they would refrain from having them. In 1988, only 5 percent of men and 4 percent of women agreed or strongly agreed with the statement that "it is better not to have children because they are such a heavy financial burden."

By Educational Attainment. Men and women with less than a high school education are more likely than are college graduates to agree or strongly agree that it is better not to have children because they are such a heavy financial burden. In 1988, 16 percent of men and 7 percent of women with less than a high school education agreed or strongly agreed with the statement, compared to 2 percent of men and 2 percent of women who were college graduates.

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P3 - Parents: Can One Be as Good as Two?

The number of children living in households with two biological parents has been steadily declining over the past two decades and has only recently begun to level off. ⁽¹⁰⁾, ⁽¹¹⁾ Although the majority of single parents are mothers, ⁽¹²⁾ in recent years the number of single-father families has increased, accounting for 18 percent of all single parent families with children under age 18 in 1998. ⁽¹³⁾ There are several possible routes - both voluntary and involuntary - to single parenthood including getting a divorce, becoming a widow or widower, and being an unmarried parent. Regardless of the reason, most researchers agree that the fewer economic resources that single parents are able to offer and subsequent time restraints of single parenting place children raised in single-parent homes at a disadvantage. ^{(14), (15)}, ⁽¹⁶⁾ Children raised by single parents have lower levels of social and academic well-being ⁽¹⁷⁾, ⁽¹⁸⁾ and more behavior problems ⁽¹⁹⁾ than those from intact families. In addition, McLanahan and Sandefur (1994, p. 1) report that "…adolescents who have lived apart from one of their parents during some period of childhood are twice as likely to drop out of high school, twice as likely to have a child before age twenty, and one and a half times as likely to be 'idle' - out of school or out of work - in their late teens and early twenties." ⁽²⁰⁾ It is important to note however, that the absolute differences between children with one parent and children with two biological parents are moderate to small. ⁽²¹⁾

In order to assess the attitudes of adults concerning single parenting, one question from the General Social Survey (GSS) is examined. Adult respondents were asked to report how much they agreed with the following statement - "One parent can bring up a child as well as two parents together." The question was asked in 1994 only (refer to Table P3.1).

By Gender. Women were significantly more likely than men to agree or strongly agree that one parent can bring up a child as well as two parents together, 42 percent of women compared to 26 percent of men (see Figure P3.1).

Figure P3.1
Percentage of adults who agree or strongly agree
that one parent can bring up a child as well as
two parents together, by gender: 1994

Table P3.1
Percentage of adults ages 18 to 65 who either agree or strongly agree
that one parent can bring up a child as well as two parents together: 1994

	Males	Females
Total	26	42
Race and Hispanic Origin1
White non-Hispanic	25	38
Black non-Hispanic	35	64
Hispanic	29	61
AsianlPacific Islander	*	*
American Indian/Alaskan Native	*	58
Poverty Status
Poor	na	na
Borderline poor	na	na
Nonpoor	na	na
Marital Status
Currently married	20	37
Not Currently Married	32	46
Parental Status
Parent	25	44
Nonparent	27	39
Age of Respondent
18 to 24 years old	34	66
25 to 44 years old	32	51
45 to 65 years old	18	32
Educational Attainment
Less than high school	23	44
High school diploma or GED	28	45
Vocationalltechnical or some college	32	49
College graduate	24	33
Employment Status
Not in labor force	22	35
Looking for work	32	66
Less than 35 hours per week	23	51
35 hours or more per week	27	45
Note: Scores based on three categories - Strongly Agree or Agree, Neither Agree nor Disagree, and Disagree or Strongly Disagree. 1Estimates for all race categories exclude Hispanics of those races. Persons of Hispanic origin may be of any race. * = This information has been suppressed due to an insufficient number of cases. Source: Estimates calculated by Child Trends based on analyses of the 1994 General Social Survey.

By Race and Hispanic Origin. Differences among men by race and Hispanic origin were comparatively modest, ranging between 25 and 35 percent. Among women, however, non-Hispanic whites were far less likely than other groups to believe that one parent can bring up a child as well as two parents together. In 1994, only 38 percent of white, non-Hispanic women agreed as compared to 64 percent of black, non-Hispanic, 61 percent for Hispanic women, and 58 percent for American Indian/Alaskan Native women.

By Parental Status. Interestingly, parents were about as likely as nonparents to believe that one parent can be just as effective as two in raising a child. However, female parents were significantly more likely than male parents to believe this (44 percent compared to 25 percent).

By Age. Adults ages 45 and older were less likely than younger adults to believe that one parent can be just as effective in raising a child as two parents. Among women in 1994, 32 percent ages 45 and older agreed or strongly agreed with this compared to 66 percent of those ages 18 to 24. For men, the numbers were 18 percent and 34 percent for the respective age groups.

By Employment Status. Differences across employment categories were more pronounced among women than men. Estimates for men across employment categories ranged between 22 and 32 percent. Among females, however, those who were not in the labor force were substantially less likely than those in all other employment categories to believe that one parent can bring up a child as well as two parents together. In 1994, 35 percent of females not in the labor force believed that one parent can be as effective as two in raising a child as compared to 66 percent of those looking for work, 51 percent of those working less than 35 hours a week, and 45 percent of those working 35 or more hours per week.

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P4 - Parents' Beliefs About Raising Children

The types of values that parents seek to instill in their children provide the foundation and direction for their moral and ethical growth. Contemporary research suggests that the development of children's moral sense is contingent upon many factors including experiences with parents and peers and wider cultural influences. ⁽²²⁾ Research examining family interactions indicates that children achieve more advanced levels of moral reasoning when their parents engage them in rational styles of discourse. ⁽²³⁾ Evidence suggests that parental modeling plays a key role in the formation of prosocial behaviors, such as volunteering and charitable giving, ⁽²⁴⁾ and that such influence is well underway by the age of 30 months ⁽²⁵⁾.

Five items from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics - Child Development Supplement (PSID-CDS) are examined to assess the sorts of values parents would like to see instilled in their children. Parents were asked to report which of five qualities (i.e., obedience, popularity, independence, hard worker, helper) they thought was the most important quality for their child (under age 13) to learn to prepare him or her for life. These items were all asked in 1997 (refer to Table P4.1).

Figure P4.1
Qualities that fathers think are most important
for their child (under age 13) to learn, by race of father: 1997

Table P4.1
Percentage of parents who reported various qualities as the most important for their child (under age 13)
to learn to prepare him/her for life: 1997

	Fathers					Mothers
	Obey	Be Liked	Think for Oneself	Work Hard	Help Others in Need	Obey	Be Liked	Think for Oneself	Work Hard	Help Others in Need
Total	21	1	52	18	7	17	1	59	13	10
Race and Hispanic Origin1
White non-Hispanic	16	1	59	17	7	10	0	68	11	11
Black non-Hispanic	28	0	40	26	6	31	0	41	22	5
Hispanic	50	9	18	13	11	43	9	29	8	11
Other	35	0	29	26	10	18	2	54	18	8
Poverty Status
Poor (0 to 99% poverty)	44	5	20	17	13	28	2	42	17	11
Extreme Poverty (at 50% or less)	37	10	14	17	21	32	1	39	12	16
Nonpoor	18	1	56	18	7	15	1	63	11	10
100% to 199% of poverty	28	4	39	18	12	24	1	53	13	9
200% to 299% of poverty	16	0	55	23	5	19	2	59	9	11
300% or more of poverty	15	0	64	16	5	8	1	70	12	10
Family Structure
Two parents	21	1	52	18	7	17	1	59	11	11
Both biological and/or adoptive	20	1	53	18	7	16	1	60	12	11
Mother only	-	-	-	-	-	19	1	56	17	7
Age of Child's Mother in Household
18 to 24 years old	16	0	26	42	16	23	1	37	16	22
25 to 44 years old	21	1	53	17	7	16	1	61	13	9
45 to 65 years old	11	0	73	12	4	6	0	67	10	18
Age of Child's Father in Household
18 to 24 years old	26	0	36	33	4	22	0	53	10	i5
25 to 44 years old	22	1	53	18	7	16	2	60	12	i 1
45 to 65 years old	15	0	61	13	11	14	0	69	9	8
Educational Attainment of Child's Mother in Household
Less than high school	40	6	21	22	11	34	5	35	12	14
High school diploma or GED	24	0	47	22	6	18	1	53	16	12
Vocational/technical or some college	19	1	56	15	8	13	1	67	13	8
College graduate	11	0	71	13	6	8	0	74	10	9
Educational Attainment of Child's Father in Household
Less than high school	36	5	27	22	9	30	7	42	12	9
High school diploma or GED	26	0	44	22	7	20	1	52	13	14
Vocational/technical or some college	15	0	60	17	8	11	0	67	10	12
College graduate	13	0	68	13	6	9	0	72	11	8
Employment Status of Child's Mother in Household
Not in labor force	27	1	48	12	12	20	3	52	11	14
Looking for work	27	8	25	37	4	29	6	47	7	12
Working	17	1	57	20	5	13	0	65	14	8
Employment Status of Child's Father in Household
Not in labor force	28	0	36	29	7	14	0	56	20	10
Looking for work	42	0	30	7	21	12	3	65	7	13
Working	20	1	55	18	7	16	1	61	11	10
1Estimates for whites and blacks exclude Hispanics of those racers. Persons of Hispanic origin maybe of any race. Source: Estimates supplied by Sandra Hofferth, Univeristy of Maryland, based on data from the 1997 Panel Study of Income Dynamics -Child Development Supplement

By Gender. Mothers and fathers both thought that the most important quality for their child to learn to prepare him or her for life is the ability to think for oneself. Fifty-nine percent of mothers and 52 percent of fathers thought that this was the most important quality for their child to learn. The second most important quality ranked by mothers (17 percent) and fathers (21 percent) was obedience, followed by working hard, helping others in need and, finally, being liked.

By Race and Hispanic Origin. While thinking for oneself was most highly prized among white and black, non-Hispanic parents, obedience was considered most important by Hispanic parents. Among fathers, 59 percent of white, non-Hispanics, 40 percent of black, non-Hispanics, but only 18 percent of Hispanics reported thinking for oneself as the most important quality for their child to learn. Fifty percent of Hispanic fathers report that obedience is the most important quality, compared to 16 percent of white, non-Hispanic and 28 percent of black, non-Hispanic fathers (see Figure P4.1). The same pattern is seen with mothers. Sixty-eight percent of white, non-Hispanic mothers and 41 percent of black, non-Hispanic mothers report that thinking for oneself is the most important quality that their child can learn, compared to 29 percent of Hispanic mothers. Forty-three percent of Hispanic mothers favored obedience as the most important quality compared to 31 percent of black, non-Hispanic and 10 percent of white, non-Hispanic mothers (see Figure P4.2).

By Poverty Status. Nonpoor mothers and fathers were more likely than poor parents to endorse thinking for oneself as the most important quality for their child to learn, while poor parents were more likely to report obedience as the most important quality.

By Educational Attainment. As parental education level rises, the appreciation for thinking for oneself goes steadily up, while the relative importance of obedience decreases. Seventy-four percent of mothers with a college degree but only 35 percent of mothers with less than a high school education ranked thinking for oneself as the most important quality their child can learn. This can be contrasted with the fact that 34 percent of mothers with less than a high school education report obedience as the most important quality for their child to learn, compared to only 8 percent of mothers with a college degree. A similar pattern exists among fathers.

By Age. Parents under 25 years of age are significantly less likely than parents who are older to report that thinking for oneself is the most important quality that their child can learn. Thirty six percent of fathers and 37 percent of mothers under age 25 report that thinking for oneself is the most important quality, compared to 61 percent of fathers and 67 mothers who are ages 45 and older. The fact that young parents are more likely to have very young children may account in part for these differences.

Figure P4.2
Qualities that mothers think are most important
for their child (under age 13) to learn, by race of mother: 1997

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P5 - Adults' Attitudes Toward Spanking

One of the most frequently used strategies to discipline a child, especially a younger child, is spanking. ⁽²⁶⁾ Research suggests that about 90 percent of parents in the United States report having spanked their children. ⁽²⁷⁾ At the same time, however, use of corporal punishment is often linked to negative outcomes for children (e.g., delinquency, antisocial behavior, and low self-esteem), and may be indicative of ineffective parenting. ⁽²⁸⁾, ⁽²⁹⁾ Positive child outcomes can be obtained when parents refrain from spanking and other physical punishment and alternatively discipline their children through firm, rational control and nurturing communication. ⁽³⁰⁾ Studies show that this type of disciplinary style may foster positive psychological outcomes such as high self-esteem and cooperation with others, as well as improved achievement in school. ⁽³¹⁾

The type of discipline employed is often influenced by both the age and the reasoning ability of the child. ⁽³²⁾ For example, younger children may have greater difficulty responding to rational communicative discipline, whereas older children may respond more readily to firm and nurturing communication. For younger children, an alternative strategy may be to redirect the child's attention, rather than use rational communication or spanking.

In order to assess the attitudes of adults about spanking a child, a question from the General Social Survey is examined. Adults were asked to report the degree to which they agreed or disagreed that it is sometimes necessary to discipline a child with a good, hard spanking. These items were all asked in 1986 and 1988 through 2000 (refer to Table P5.1).

By Gender. In the period between 1986 and 2000, the percentage of men who agreed that it is sometimes necessary to spank a child hard varied between 73 and 84 percent, with no clear historical pattern. Women exhibited a similar pattern, with estimates ranging between 69 and 82 percent. Approval of spanking was at its highest in 1986 for both sexes. In general, men are more likely than women to agree that sometimes it is necessary to spank a child. For example, in 2000, 79 percent of men agreed that spanking a child is sometimes necessary, compared to 71 percent of women.

By Educational Attainment. Adults who are college graduates were less likely than parents without a high school diploma or equivalent to say that spanking a child is sometimes necessary. In 2000, 66 percent of men who were college graduates agreed that spanking is sometimes necessary compared to 87 percent of men with less than a high school education. Among women, 55 percent of college graduates agreed that it was sometimes necessary to spank a child, compared to 80 percent of those who did not graduate from high school (see Figure P5.1).

By Race and Hispanic Origin. For both men and women, white, non-Hispanic adults are less likely than black, non-Hispanic adults to say that spanking a child is sometimes necessary. For example, in 2000, 87 percent of black men, compared to 79 percent of white men, agreed that a child sometimes needs a good hard spanking. In 2000, black men were also more likely than Hispanic men (69 percent) to agree that spanking a child was sometimes necessary.

Figure P5.1
Percentage of men and women who agree that it is sometimes necessary
to give a child a good hard spanking, by educational attainment: 2000

[Go To Contents]

P6 - Parents' Responsibility for Children

Mothers and fathers often assume different roles with regard to their children. Researchers find that fathers are more likely to assume a greater role in play activities with young children, while mothers generally assume the role of primary caretaker. ⁽³³⁾, ⁽³⁴⁾ Despite these differences, both parents have a significant effect on children's development. ⁽³⁵⁾ It is through the gradual developmental process of interpreting, transforming, and evaluating the norms of their parents that children acquire their own moral values. ⁽³⁶⁾ Similarly, parental input and involvement in choosing and engaging in their child's school is crucial. Children with involved parents are more likely to have positive educational outcomes, higher aspirations, and increased graduation rates. ⁽³⁷⁾ Father involvement, particularly involvement in their children's school activities, is associated with decreases in problem behaviors (e.g., drug use, delinquency) among their children. ⁽³⁸⁾

The responsibilities of parents for their children were assessed by examining three questions from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics - Child Development Supplement (PSID-CDS). Parents were asked if they shared, performed alone, or if someone else performed three responsibilities for their children (under age 13): 1) playing with their children; 2) disciplining their children; and 3) selecting a child care program, preschool, or school for their children (refer to Table P6.1, P6.2, and P6.3). These items were all asked in 1997.

By Gender. The majority of mothers and fathers reported that they shared responsibility for playing with their children (77 and 91 percent, respectively), and for discipline (70 and 89 percent). When it came to selecting a child care program, preschool, or school, however, only 38 percent of mothers and 60 percent of fathers reported sharing responsibility. Sixty percent of mothers reported sole responsibility for this activity, compared to 7 percent of fathers (see Figure P6.1 and P6.2).

By Race and Hispanic Origin. White, non-Hispanic mothers were more likely to report sharing responsibility for playing with their child, disciplining them, or choosing their care or school than were Hispanic or black, non-Hispanic mothers. Among fathers, Hispanics were more likely than white, non-Hispanic or black, non-Hispanic fathers to report having sole responsibility for taking care of these three sorts of activities with their children.

By Poverty Status. Poor mothers and fathers were more likely than nonpoor parents to report sole responsibility for playing with their children, disciplining them, and choosing their care program or school (refer to Table P6.1, P6.2, and P6.3). For example, 55 percent of poor mothers reported sole responsibility for disciplining their children compared to 22 percent of nonpoor mothers. The difference among fathers is less pronounced (18 percent compared to 7 percent).

Figure P6.1
Parental responsibility for playing with and disciplining their children,
and for choosing a child care, preschool,
or school according to fathers of children under age 13: 1997

Figure P6.2
Parental responsibility for playing with and disciplining their children,
and for choosing a child care, preschool,
or school according to mothers of children under age 13: 1997

Table P6.1
Percentage of parents who reported particular responsibility for playing with their child(ren) under age 13): 1997

	Fathers			Mothers
	Someone Else Responsibility	Shared Responsibilty	Father-Only Responsibility	Someone Else Responsibility	Shared Responsibilty	Mother-Only Responsibility
Total	4	91	6	2	77	20
Race and Hispanic Origin1
White non-Hispanic	4	94	2	1	84	15
Black non-Hispanic	10	86	5	4	60	36
Hispanic	0	70	30	8	57	34
Other	2	86	12	2	76	22
Poverty Status
Poor (0 to 99% poverty)	1	84	15	4	58	38
Extreme poverty (at 50% or less)	3	82	14	2	61	37
Nonpoor	4	92	4	2	82	16
100% to 199% of poverty	4	87	9	3	71	26
200% to 299% of poverty	7	87	6	1	80	19
300% or more of poverty	3	96	1	1	88	10
Family Structure
Two parents	3	91	5	2	85	13
Both biological and/or adoptive	3	91	5	2	86	12
Mother only	-	-	-	2	46	52
Age of Child's Mother in Household
18 to 24 years old	5	91	5	1	70	29
25 to 44 years old	4	91	5	2	80	18
45 to 65 years old	5	92	3	2	69	29
Age of Child's Father in Household
18 to 24 years old	1	90	10	3	86	10
25 to 44 years old	3	92	5	2	87	11
45 to 65 years old	10	84	6	3	74	23
Educational Attainment of Child's Mother in Household
Less than high school	5	73	22	5	63	31
High school diploma or GED	5	90	5	2	78	20
Vocational/technical or some college	1	97	2	1	79	20
College graduate	3	95	2	1	87	12
Educational Attainment of Child's Father in Household
Less than high school	8	73	19	8	71	21
High school diploma or GED	3	94	2	1	86	12
VocationaUtechnical or some college	1	94	5	2	86	12
College graduate	4	94	2	1	89	11
Employment Status of Child's Mother in Household
Not in labor force	3	89	8	2	80	18
Looking for work	10	75	15	3	50	47
Working	4	94	3	2	80	18
Employment Status of Child's Father in Household
Not in labor force	21	74	4	0	75	24
Looking for work	0	90	10	2	70	28
Working	3	92	5	2	86	12
1Estimates for whites and blacks exclude Hispanics of those racers. Persons of Hispanic origin maybe of any race. Source: Estimates supplied by Sandra Hofferth, Univeristy of Maryland, based on data from the 1997 Panel Study of Income Dynamics -Child Development Supplement

Table P6.2
Percentage of parents who reported particular responsibility for disciplining their child(ren) (under age 13): 1997

	Fathers			Mothers
	Someone Else	Shared Responsibility	Father-Only Responsibility	Someone Else	Shared Responsibility	Mother-Only Responsibility
Total	3	89	8	2	70	28
Race and Hispanic Origin1
White non-Hispanic	3	94	3	1	79	21
Black non-Hispanic	6	84	10	3	42	55
Hispanic	1	67	32	4	60	36
Other	4	73	23	4	61	35
Poverty Status
Poor (0 to 99% poverty)	3	79	18	2	43	55
Extreme poverty (at 50% or less)	0	85	15	1	37	62
Nonpoor	3	90	7	1	77	22
100% to 199% of poverty	1	84	15	2	63	35
200% to 299% of poverty	6	89	5	2	75	24
300% or more of poverty	3	94	3	1	85	14
Family Structure
Two parents	3	89	8	2	83	15
Both biological and/or adoptive	2	90	8	2	85	14
Mother only	-	-	-	1	19	81
Age of Child's Mother in Household
18 to 24 years old	7	90	2	2	61	37
25 to 44 years old	3	89	8	1	73	25
45 to 65 years old	1	96	3	0	60	40
Age of Child's Father in Household
18 to 24 years old	0	99	1	3	76	20
25 to 44 years old	3	90	7	1	86	13
45 to 65 years old	0	91	9	3	71	26
Educational Attainment of Child's Mother in Household
Less than high school	5	73	22	3	55	42
High school diploma or GED	3	88	9	2	67	31
Vocational/technical or some college	3	92	4	1	72	27
College graduate	2	96	2	0	85	15
Educational Attainment of Child's Father in Household
Less than high school	3	76	21	4	64	32
High school diploma or GED	1	92	7	1	86	12
Vocational/technical or some college	3	94	3	1	86	13
College graduate	4	92	4	1	89	11
Employment Status of Child's Mother in Household
Not in labor force	3	87	10	1	74	25
Looking for work	0	82	18	6	44	50
Working	3	92	5	1	73	26
Employment Status of Child's Father in Household
Not in labor force	1	82	17	0	79	21
Looking for work	0	86	14	1	72	27
Working	3	91	7	2	85	14
1Estimates for whites and blacks exclude Hispanics of those racers. Persons of Hispanic origin maybe of any race. Source: Estimates supplied by Sandra Hofferth, Univeristy of Maryland, based on data from the 1997 Panel Study of Income Dynamics -Child Development Supplement

Table P6.3
Percentage of parents who reported particular responsibility for selecting a child care program, preschool,
or school for their children) (under age 13): 1997

	Fathers			Mothers
	Someone Else	Shared Responsibility	Father-Only Responsibility	Someone Else	Shared Responsibility	Mother-Only Responsibility
Total	34	60	7	2	38	60
Race and Hispanic Origin1
White non-Hispanic	37	60	3	1	43	56
Black non-Hispanic	41	54	5	3	18	79
Hispanic	17	60	23	3	29	68
Other	15	61	24	3	42	54
Poverty Status
Poor (0 to 99% poverty)	24	59	17	3	18	78
Extreme poverty (at 50% or less)	23	56	21	3	22	75
Nonpoor	35	60	5	2	42	56
100% to 199% of poverty	34	55	11	3	32	65
200% to 299% of poverty	34	59	7	2	34	64
300% or more of poverty	36	62	2	1	51	48
Family Structure
Two parents	34	60	6	2	46	53
Both biological and/or adoptive	33	61	6	2	47	51
Mother only	-	-	-	2	6	92
Age of Child's Mother in Household
18 to 24 years old	28	65	8	1	30	69
25 to 44 years old	34	59	6	1	39	60
45 to 65 years old	41	58	1	5	39	56
Age of Child's Father in Household
18 to 24 years old	20	76	4	3	38	59
25 to 44 years old	34	60	6	1	48	51
45 to 65 years old	37	58	6	4	40	57
Educational Attainment of Child's Mother in Household
Less than high school	24	54	22	1	21	78
High school diploma or GED	33	59	7	1	37	62
Vocational/technical or some college	37	60	3	2	41	57
College graduate	38	62	1	1	47	52
Educational Attainment of Child's Father in Household
Less than high school	31	54	15	3	31	66
High school diploma or GED	33	58	8	1	46	53
Vocational/technical or some college	35	62	3	2	41	57
College graduate	35	63	2	1	56	43
Employment Status of Child's Mother in Household
Not in labor force	32	57	10	1	39	60
Looking for work	37	53	10	2	18	81
Working	35	61	4	2	40	58
Employment Status of Child's Father in Household
Not in labor force	34	46	21	6	35	59
Looking for work	38	41	22	0	30	70
Working	34	61	5	1	48	51
1Estimates for whites and blacks exclude Hispanics of those racers. Persons of Hispanic origin maybe of any race. Source: Estimates supplied by Sandra Hofferth, Univeristy of Maryland, based on data from the 1997 Panel Study of Income Dynamics -Child Development Supplement

By Educational Attainment. Mothers and fathers with less than a high school education are more likely than more educated parents to report having sole responsibility for play, discipline, and choosing a school or child care provider. For example, 42 percent of mothers and 21 percent of fathers with less than a high school education reported sole responsibility for disciplining their children, compared to 15 percent of mothers and 4 percent of fathers who had graduated from college.

By Employment Status. Patterns of responsibility are similar for working mothers and mothers who are not in the labor force. About three quarters of mothers in both categories report sharing responsibility for discipline, eight in ten share responsibility for play, and four in ten share responsibility for choosing a child care program, preschool, or school. The responsibility of fathers for these activities was only modestly affected by whether the mother worked or not, with fathers slightly more likely to share responsibility for discipline and play when the mother worked.

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P7 - Limit Setting

Setting guidelines or rules for children teaches them the difference between right and wrong and clarifies what sorts of behavior are considered acceptable and unacceptable. Thus, limit setting constitutes a critical element in shaping children's judgement, developing conscience, and learning how to understand one's surroundings. ⁽³⁹⁾ In addition, it has been found that parenting that combines limit setting and responsiveness to a child's needs (i.e., "authoritative parenting") is associated with positive outcomes for children. Limit setting not only enhances child development, but also increases the likelihood of compliance with parental expectations. ⁽⁴⁰⁾, ⁽⁴¹⁾

In order to gauge the limit setting patterns of adults, three questions from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics - Child Development Supplement (PSID-CDS) are examined. Parents of children ages 3 to 12 were asked to report how often they: 1) set limits on the time their children can watch TV in a day; 2) set limits on what television programs their children watch; and 3) control who their children spend time with (refer to Table P7.1). These items were all asked in 1997.

Figure P7.1
Percentage of fathers and mothers of children ages 3 to 12
who (often or very often) set limits on who their children spend time with,
by race and Hispanic origin: 1997

Table P7.1
Percentage of parents who reported that they often or very often set various limits
on their children's activities (children ages 3 to 12): 1997

	Fathers			Mothers
	How Much time their children can watch TV in a day	What TV programs their children watch	Who their children spend time with	How Much time their children can watch TV in a day	What TV programs their children watch	Who their children spend time withr
Total	40	61	40	48	71	51
Race and Hispanic Origin1
White non-Hispanic	37	64	41	49	78	53
Black non-Hispanic	49	68	60	42	61	52
Hispanic	42	30	21	45	48	37
Other	50	65	38	49	58	49
Poverty Status
Poor (0 to 99% poverty)	41	48	34	46	59	47
Extreme poverty (at 50% or less)	52	45	34	51	59	49
Nonpoor	39	63	41	48	73	52
100% to 199% of poverty	35	59	48	45	66	54
200% to 299% of poverty	42	67	39	46	73	56
300% or more of poverty	40	63	39	50	77	49
Family Structure
Two parents	39	61	40	48	72	50
Both biological and/or adoptive	40	61	40	48	72	52
Mother only	-	-	-	45	65	53
Age of Child's Mother in Household
18 to 24 years old	27	50	52	46	68	60
25 to 44 years old	40	61	40	48	71	51
45 to 65 years old	50	68	37	46	69	47
Age of Child's Father in Household
18 to 24 years old	*	*	*	*	*	*
25 to 44 years old	40	61	41	49	73	51
45 to 65 years old	47	67	41	47	69	55
Educational Attainment of Child's Mother in Household
Less than high school	33	45	27	44	56	38
High school diploma or GED	35	66	45	41	66	54
Vocational/technical or some college	39	56	44	47	76	55
College graduate	49	68	39	59	80	48
Educational Attainment of Child's Father in Household
Less than high school	42	45	28	40	56	50
High school diploma or GED	34	61	49	41	71	58
Vocational/technical or some college	42	68	38	51	76	52
College graduate	45	67	43	57	79	48
Employment Status of Child's Mother in Household
Not in labor force	47	61	47	54	74	59
Looking for work	36	41	38	51	57	48
Working	36	63	37	45	71	57
Employment Status of Child's Father in Household
Not in labor force	33	61	67	40	67	56
Looking for work	43	49	45	37	47	32
Working	41	62	40	50	74	52
Note: Scores based on two categories: 'very often' or'often', and 'sometimes', 'seldom, or'never'. 1Estimates for whites and blacks exclude Hispanics of those races. Persons of Hispanic origin may be of any race. * = This information has been suppressed due to an insufficient number of cases. Source: Estimates supplied by Sandra Hofferth, Univeristy of Maryland, based on data from the 1997 Panel Study of Income Dynamics - Child Development Supplement

By Gender. Mothers are somewhat more likely to set all three types of limits for their children than are fathers. For example, in 1997, 48 percent of mothers and 40 percent of fathers set limits often or very often on how many hours of television their children could watch in a day. Seventy one percent of mothers and 61 percent of fathers set limits often or very often on the types of programs their children can watch on television. The same pattern is seen for the percentage of mothers and fathers who regulate their children's interactions with peers. In 1997, 51 percent of mothers and 40 percent of fathers often or very often controlled with whom their children spent time.

By Race and Hispanic Origin. There are considerable differences in patterns of limit setting among mothers and fathers of different racial/ethnic backgrounds. Hispanic fathers (30 percent) are less likely to set limits on what television programs their children watch compared to fathers of other racial/ethnic backgrounds (64, 68, and 65 percent, respectively, for white, black, and other racial/ethnic groups), while white, non-Hispanic mothers (78 percent) are the most likely to set limits on what television programs their children watch, compared to mothers of other racial/ethnic backgrounds (61, 48, and 58 percent, respectively, for black, Hispanic, and other racial/ethnic groups). Black, non-Hispanic fathers (60 percent) are the most likely and Hispanic fathers (21 percent) are the least likely to set limits on who their children spend time with. Similarly, Hispanic mothers (37 percent) are less likely than other mothers to set limits on who their children spend time with (see Figure P7.1).

By Educational Attainment. Parents who are college graduates are generally more likely than parents without a high school education to set limits for their children. For each of the activities examined, mothers with college degrees were more likely than mothers with less than a high school education to set limits. For instance, while only 56 percent of mothers with less than a high school education often or very often set limits on the types of television programs their children watch, 80 percent of mothers who are college graduates do so. For fathers, this pattern holds true for the degree to which they set limits on whom their children spend time with and which television programs they allow their children to watch, but not for the amount of time they allow their children to spend watching television.

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P8 - Conflict Resolution in Families

Children who are exposed to styles of conflict resolution that involve positive verbal communication are more obedient and less belligerent than those who are not. ⁽⁴²⁾ Research points to poor communication and problem-solving skills for resolving disputes as a contributing factor to negative outcomes, such as an increased likelihood of adolescent criminal behavior. ⁽⁴³⁾ When examining conflict resolution, researchers have primarily focused on how parents and children respond to conflict with one another. ⁽⁴⁴⁾

To evaluate the conflict resolution tactics of parents, three questions from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics -Child Development Supplement (PSID-CDS) are examined. Parents of children under age 13 were asked to report if they agreed or disagreed with three statements: 1) we fight a lot in our family; 2) family members hardly ever lose their tempers; and 3) family members always calmly discuss problems. These items were all asked in 1997 (refer to Table P8.1).

By Gender. More than half of mothers (52 percent) and fathers (56 percent) report "calmly discussing problems" as a way of resolving family conflicts. Twelve percent of both mothers and fathers report that there is a lot a fighting in their family.

By Race and Hispanic Origin. Hispanic mothers and fathers are more likely to report a lot of family fighting than are white, non-Hispanic or black, non-Hispanic mothers and fathers. Twenty-one percent of Hispanic mothers report that they fight a lot in their family, compared to 7 percent of black, non-Hispanic and 13 percent of white, non-Hispanic mothers. Similarly, 20 percent of Hispanic fathers report that they fight a lot in their family compared to 8 percent of black, non-Hispanic fathers and 11 percent of white, non-Hispanic fathers.

By Poverty Status. While there do not appear to be significant differences between poor and nonpoor fathers in the degree to which they are likely to report "fighting a lot" in their family, or "calmly discussing problems," the same does not hold true for mothers. Poor mothers (18 percent) are more likely to report "a lot of family fighting" than are nonpoor mothers (11 percent). However, poor mothers (60 percent) are also more likely than nonpoor mothers (50 percent) to report "calmly discussing problems" in their family.

By Educational Attainment. The same pattern that emerges for poor compared to nonpoor mothers regarding their reported conflict resolution styles emerges for mothers with less than a high school education compared to mothers who are college graduates (see Figure P8.1). Nineteen percent of mothers with less than a high school education, compared to only 8 percent of mothers with a college degree, report a lot of family fighting. Seventy percent of mothers with less than a high school education report calmly discussing family problems compared to 46 percent of mothers with a college degree. Fathers with less than a high school education (24 percent) are significantly more likely than fathers who are college graduates (8 percent) to report a lot of family fighting.

Figure P8.1
Percentage of parents of children under age 13
who report that the family fights a lot, by educational attainment: 1997

Table P8.1
Percentage of parents of children under age 13 who agree or completely agree with
various statements about family conflict and various resolution styles: 1997

	Fathers			Mothers
	We Fight A Lot in Our Family	Family Members Hardly Ever Lose Temper	Family Members Always Calmly Discuss Problems	We Fight A Lot in Our Family	Family Members Hardly Ever Lose Temper	Family Members Always Calmly Discuss Problems
Total	12	44	56	12	46	52
Race and Hispanic Origin1
White non-Hispanic	11	45	51	13	44	43
Black non-Hispanic	8	33	61	7	35	65
Hispanic	20	57	78	21	66	76
Other	14	29	82	6	51	72
Poverty Status
Poor (0 to 99% poverty)	9	55	64	18	47	60
Extreme poverty (at 50% or less)	14	36	59	15	37	57
Nonpoor	12	43	55	11	45	50
100% to 199% of poverty	19	35	58	15	43	57
200% to 299% of poverty	11	40	55	10	44	55
300% or more of poverty	9	47	54	9	47	44
Family Structure
Two parents	12	44	56	12	48	51
Both b;ological and/or adoptive	11	45	57	12	48	51
Mother only	-	-	-	13	38	55
Age of Child's Mother in Household
18 to 24 years old	18	49	59	19	48	52
25 to 44 years old	12	43	57	11	46	52
45 to 65 years old	4	45	41	13	48	46
Age of Child's Father in Household
18 to 24 years old	34	49	55	24	40	46
25 to 44 years old	12	42	57	12	48	53
45 to 65 years old	8	49	49	12	46	41
Educational Attainment of Child's Mother in Household
Less than high school	18	49	64	19	50	70
High school diploma or GED	9	37	53	11	47	51
Vocational/technical or some college	14	46	57	11	45	49
College graduate	8	46	56	8	44	46
Educational Attainment of Child's Father in Household
Less than high school	24	40	62	16	51	58
High school diploma or GED	10	42	56	15	48	50
Vocational/technical or some college	13	43	53	12	49	47
College graduate	8	47	56	8	45	51
Employment Status of Child's Mother in Household
Not in labor force	9	53	61	12	45	55
Looking for work	33	41	64	18	45	65
Working	11	38	53	11	46	49
Employment Status of Child's Father in Household
Not in labor force	9	24	51	26	39	26
Looking for work	27	27	70	40	48	55
Working	12	45	56	11	48	52
Note: Scores based on two categories: 'Completely agree' or'agree', and 'Completely disagree' or'disagree'. 1Estimates for whites and blacks exclude Hispanics of those races. Persons of Hispanic origin may be of any race. *= This information has been suppressed due to an insufficient number of cases. Source: Estimates supplied by Sandra Hofferth, Univeristy of Maryland, based on data from the 1997 Panel Study of Income Dynamics - Child Development Supplement

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P9 - Degree of Closeness Adolescent Feels Toward Parent

Recent research suggests that a positive, close relationship between parents and adolescents is related to lower rates of adolescent early sexual activity, drug use, and emotional distress. ⁽⁴⁵⁾ Negative relationships, on the other hand, have been found to be related to negative psychological functioning. ⁽⁴⁶⁾ Research also shows that adolescents may react differently to certain types of parental behavior depending on whether it involves the mother or the father. ⁽⁴⁷⁾ Adolescents tend to express negative feelings for mothers who demonstrate high levels of control, but have more positive feelings for fathers who show high levels of control.

In order to assess the degree to which adolescents feel close to their parents, a question from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health is examined. Adolescents in grades 7 through 12 in 1995 (Wave I) and in grades 8 through 12 in 1996 (Wave II) were asked to report the degree of closeness they feel toward their parents. Closeness was reported on a scale from 1 to 5 (1- not close at all, 2 - not very close, 3 - somewhat close, 4 - quite close, 5 - extremely close; refer to Table P9.1).

Figure P9.1
Degree of closeness adolescent feels toward his or her parent, by residence of parent: 1996

By Gender. Boys and girls reported feeling very close to both their resident parents but adolescents of both sexes also report being somewhat closer to their mothers than to their fathers. The same pattern holds true for feelings toward nonresident parents.

By Residential Status of Parent. Adolescents of both genders report being closer to their resident mothers and fathers than to their nonresident counterparts (see Figure P9.1). They are least close to nonresident fathers.

By Biological or Step Relationship. Among adolescents in two-parent families, relationships with biological parents are closer than those with step-parents, regardless of the sex of the parent.

By Gender of Child. Boys report being somewhat closer to their mothers and their fathers than do girls. This finding holds regardless of parental residential status.

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P10 - Warmth and Affection

Many studies have shown that warmth in the parent-child relationship predicts positive child outcomes. Higher self-esteem, better parent-child communication, and fewer psychological and behavior problems have been linked to warmth and affection between parent and child. ⁽⁴⁸⁾ Parental warmth and affection is also positively related to adolescent academic competence and negatively related to teen pregnancy and associations with deviant peers. ⁽⁴⁹⁾ Parental warmth is even found to encourage children's use of social support and proactive, problem-focused coping styles. ⁽⁵⁰⁾ Conversely, receiving insufficient levels of parental support fosters feelings of alienation, expressions of hostility and aggression, diminished self-esteem, and antisocial and risk behaviors. ⁽⁵¹⁾

To assess the amount of warmth and affection parents show their children, three questions from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics - Child Development Supplement (PSID-CDS) are examined. Parents of children ages 12 and younger who are living with their children were asked to report how often, in the past month, they: 1) hugged or showed physical affection to their child; 2) told their child that they loved him/her; and 3) told their child that they appreciated something he/she did. These items were all asked in 1997 (refer to Table P10.1).

Figure P10.1.
Percentage of resident fathers and mothers of children under age 13
who hugged their child every day in the past month: 1997

Table P10.1
Percentage of parents of children under age 13 who treated their children
with various forms of warmth and affection every day in the past month: 1997

	Fathers			Mothers
	Hugged or showed physical affection to their children	Told their child that they love him/her	Told their child that they appreciated something he or she did	Hugged or showed physical affection to their children	Told their child that they love him/her	Told their child that they appreciated something he or she did
Total	73	62	37	87	85	55
Race and Hispanic Origin1
White non-Hispanic	76	65	36	93	91	56
Black non-Hispanic	56	45	40	75	76	56
Hispanic	73	63	41	81	77	52
Other	61	40	32	78	76	53
Poverty Status
Poor (0 to 99% poverty)	67	63	44	78	80	55
Extreme poverty (at 50% or less)	58	60	47	78	80	49
Nonpoor	74	61	36	90	87	55
100% to 199% of poverty	74	60	43	88	85	58
200% to 299% of poverty	73	58	32	86	86	53
300% or more of poverty	74	64	34	93	88	55
Family Structure
Two parents	73	62	37	89	86	55
Both biological and/or adoptive	75	63	37	89	86	55
Mother only	-	-	-	81	83	56
Age of Child
0 to 2 years old	90	80	56	98	95	73
3 to 5 years old	84	69	44	93	91	66
6 to 9 years old	70	55	31	87	85	48
10 to 12 years old	50	45	17	74	72	39
Age of Child's Mother in Household
18 to 24 years old	88	82	55	94	93	70
25 to 44 years old	73	61	35	87	86	55
45 to 65 years old	57	47	27	77	65	37
Age of Child's Father in Household
18 to 24 years old	89	86	63	93	91	75
25 to 44 years old	74	61	36	89	87	55
45 to 65 years old	62	54	29	87	78	49
Educational Attainment of Child's
Less than high school	67	58	45	75	75	46
High school diploma or GED	71	60	33	87	87	56
Vocational/technical or some college	76	63	35	91	90	60
College graduate	75	63	37	94	88	54
Educational Attainment of Child's
Less than high school	68	63	38	86	82	55
High school diploma or GED	70	59	37	87	85	56
Vocational/technical or some college	75	63	37	90	87	52
College graduate	77	62	34	95	90	58
Employment Status of Child's Mother
Not in labor force	78	67	44	86	82	57
Looking for work	49	31	21	81	80	59
Working	71	60	32	89	88	54
Employment Status of Child's Father in Household
Not in labor force	61	46	36	81	75	52
Looking for work	60	41	36	86	77	68
Working	74	62	36	90	87	55
1Estimates for whites and blacks exclude Hispanics of those races. Persons of Hispanic origin may be of any race. Source: Estimates supplied by Sandra Hofferth, Univeristy of Maryland, based on data from the 1997 Panel Study of Income Dynamics Child Development Supplement

By Gender. Mothers are more likely than fathers to report showing their children warmth across all three behaviors. Eighty-seven percent of mothers compared to 73 percent of fathers hug or show physical affection to their child at least once a day. Eighty-five percent of mothers and 62 percent of fathers tell their child that they love him or her at least once a day. Though the percentage of mothers and fathers who tell their child that they appreciate something he or she did is lower than the previous two behaviors, the difference between mothers and fathers is found here as well (55 percent and 37 percent, respectively).

By Race and Hispanic Origin. White, non-Hispanic mothers were more likely than Hispanic and black, non-Hispanic mothers to report daily hugging and telling their child that he or she is loved. For example, 93 percent of white, non-Hispanic mothers report hugging their child at least once a day, compared to 81 percent of Hispanic mothers and 75 percent of black, non-Hispanic mothers. Among fathers, more white, non-Hispanics and Hispanics report daily hugging (76 percent and 73 percent, respectively) than do black, non-Hispanics (56 percent). White, non-Hispanic and Hispanic fathers (65 percent and 63 percent, respectively) are also more likely than black, non-Hispanic fathers (45 percent) to tell their child he or she is loved. The percentage