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The purpose of this paper is to highlight some emerging findings and issues in the research literature that are relevant to developing programs for Hispanic fathers. This paper summarizes the concerns and findings presented in selected research articles and in several existing research reviews on Hispanic fatherhood, it is not intended to be seen as a comprehensive or original review of the literature. More specifically, this paper:
Implications of the term Hispanic for fatherhood program development and implementation. While there is consensus among researchers that Hispanic fatherhood is under-researched and that there is a need for more information, there are also difficulties in defining Hispanic fatherhood. It has been common for researchers to frame their studies by stating that the Hispanic population is a diverse one; yet their findings from small-group studies on one sub-population or on Hispanics of various backgrounds are frequently used, often out of context, as being true for all Hispanics. Researchers, practitioners, and policy makers are beginning to recognize that Hispanic is a term of convenience that encompasses a large and diverse population. As a group Hispanics share a language (Spanish) and aspects of a cultural heritage brought to various geographical regions of North, Central and South America and elsewhere by Spanish explorers, traders and colonists. Furthermore, this language and culture has also been shaped and modified by the conditions and experiences of groups and individuals in their countries of origin and in the United States.
Because the term Hispanic covers a large and diverse population, it is not possible to identify specific programmatic needs or strategies from information on the general characteristics of the Hispanic population in the United States. This is true for fatherhood programs and for other programs or initiatives as well. Take, for example, the issue of language. Many Hispanics are bilingual, speaking, reading and writing in both Spanish and English. Other Hispanics speak Spanish and English but only read and write in one language, English or Spanish. Some Hispanics, especially recent immigrants, speak Spanish but having had little formal education, and may not be able to read or write well in either Spanish or English. And as is true in all languages, there can be distinct difference in idiomatic usage across geographic areas. Thus it is essential to know the Spanish and English language fluency and the language-use preferences of the specific Hispanic population to be served before decisions about spoken and written language are made.
Country of origin is often one of the ways the Hispanic population is characterized. Based on the 1999 Current Population Survey, conducted by the U.S. Census Bureau, individuals of Mexican origin are the largest Hispanic sub-group in the United States, making up nearly two-thirds (65 percent) of the entire Hispanic population in the United States. Hispanics of Puerto Rican origin (living in the 50 states and District of Columbia) make up almost ten percent of the population, while an additional fourteen percent are of Central American and South American origin and four percent are of Cuban origin. Almost seven percent are identified as Other Hispanics.(Ramirez). While there is a predominance of Hispanics of Mexican origin, the geographic dispersion is not uniform throughout the United States. Mexican-Americans are more likely to reside in the southwest and west, Puerto Ricans are more likely to be in New York City and throughout the northeast and Cubans are concentrated in Florida, especially the Miami area. However, Hispanic communities are not limited to these areas, there are growing Hispanics communities in many urban areas of the United States and often there are strong ties to a particular country of origin. Given the diverse origins of Hispanics in the United States, there can be significant cultural, language, and socio-economic differences between a Cuban-American father in Miami, a Puerto Rican father in New York City and a Salvadorean father in Washington D.C.
Even within Hispanic populations from the same country of origin, there can be differences in beliefs, customs, and values that are shaped by such factors as family background, recency of immigration, degree of acculturation, regional concentration, level of educational attainment, income, and English language proficiency. Research, policy and practice must take these factors into account. Researchers point out that training in cultural sensitive is important for social service providers. The providers must familiarize themselves with the complexities of the cultural groups that they are serving and respond accordingly (Powell, p. 90). For example, the needs and experiences of a third generation bilingual Mexican-American father may be quite different from those of a newly arrived immigrant from a Mexican farming community, even though they both live in Los Angeles and are most comfortable speaking Spanish. Providers need to be aware that Hispanic fatherhood programs cannot be replicated across the country, or even across town, without thinking very carefully about who the program was designed to serve and how well it would address the needs of the fathers at the replication site.
Concerns about how Hispanic fathers are portrayed in research. There is an accumulating body of work that examines the way Hispanic fathers are sometimes researched and portrayed. Researchers have noted that the Euro-American family is often used as a template for measuring the behavior of other cultural groups. Roopnarine and Ahmeduzzaman stated in their research review, .... researchers have cautioned against using Euro-American family functioning as a basis for judging the parent-child relationships of Latino families or families in other cultural groups... (Roopnarine and Ahmeduzzaman, p. 96). In order to study Hispanic fatherhood, the cultural context needs to be understood.
There is a need for more research on Hispanic fathers that moves away from a specifically Anglo-American view of parenting to encompass a cultural understanding of what specific groups of Hispanic fathers do as fathers. Hispanic fathers are too often judged on how they compare with Anglo fathers. Hispanic fathers may fulfill desired parental roles in ways that are not typical of Anglo fathers. For example, a father may spend time telling his children a story from a book, rather than reading with the child. However, if research only measures time parents spend reading with their children, and not time spent telling stories, Hispanic fathers may seem less involved and less supportive than Anglo fathers.
Alfredo Mirande notes in his review of literature on ethnic families the most persistent theme in the traditional social science literature on racial/ethnic families, is that such families are somehow deviant or defective Anglo-American families (Mirande, p.75). Social scientists must ensure that minority families are not held up to a mold of a Anglo-American family. Mirande also writes that the past view of minority families stressed modernization and classified minority families as traditional, clinging to old-fashioned norms that would disappear as they became more modern, meaning more like Anglo-American families (Mirande, p.77). Ortiz adds that the early social science writings explained that, change within [Latino] families was to occur through an acculturation or assimilation process whereby families moved from traditional forms to the more egalitarian modes of American families (Ortiz, p. 20).
Many of the researchers point to a distinction between a traditional view of Hispanic fathers and an emerging or contemporary view. The traditional view is explained by the authors as one of a cold, distant, authoritarian father. As Mirande describes, the traditional Latino family is portrayed as an authoritarian, patriarchal unit where the macho (i.e., male) is lord and master of the household and the woman is a quiet, submissive, servile figure (Mirande, p. 59). One reason for this view of the Hispanic father as dominant and removed comes from the misunderstanding of the meaning of the concept of machismo. As some researchers point out, the common stereotype of Latino males as being macho is taken to mean being aggressive, tyrannical rulers of the household (Mirande, pp. 59-60, Mayo, p.51, Powell, p. 88). This portrayal is inaccurate according to more contemporary research, these authors note. Mirande describes the results of numerous recent studies that demonstrate that Latino households are more egalitarian than the traditional portrayal and that Hispanic fathers can be warm and caring (Mirande, pp. 60-62). Mayo explains that there are positive qualities of machismo--gentler, more caring sides that are ignored while the negative stereotypes persist. She states, Latino males are victimized by the lack of professional understanding, social stereotyping, and the almost totally negative views held by the host society (Mayo, p. 52). Therefore, there needs to be a greater awareness of the contemporary realities of the Latino family, instead of a continued reliance on inaccurate stereotypes.
Improving service delivery to Hispanic fathers. Research findings on Hispanic fatherhood also can help identify issues that need to be addressed by practitioners who want to improve their ability to work with Hispanic fathers and provide services in Hispanic communities. One such issue is the need to make parenting programs more father friendly. Researchers make the point that the parenting/family education field has traditionally been oriented towards mothers (Powell, 85). This orientation, coupled with the lack of information on how to involve fathers, creates a challenge for both the parents and the service providers. Walters and Chapman indicate that gender neutrality in parenting has far to go, as it is still a popular assumption that a fathers interest is primarily as provider in the family and that a mothers interest is primarily as the nurturer and caretaker (Walters and Chapman, p. 86, Powell, 86). This assumption about fathers lack of interest and direct involvement in care and nurturing can lead to what Powell describes as ambivalence about involving fathers in parenting programs (Powell, p.98). In the model program examined by Powell, staff lacked enthusiasm for getting the fathers involved. He writes that the program officials felt that involving the fathers was a nice idea but it wont work(Powell, p. 99). Such ambivalence can become a self-fulfilling prophesy. Fathers will sense if providers see their involvement as a bonus rather than as necessary for their childrens well-being. Provider assumptions that fathers are not interested in getting involved in their childrens development must be changed in order to successfully reach out to fathers who do want to get involved in their childrens lives, but may not know how.
Providers must get to know the needs and strengths of the community they intend to serve. This assessment will help determine, for example, whether there are many low-income, young parents without extended family in the area, language barriers, or immigration issues that must be addresses. As Powell states, the need for preplanning is particularly critical for programs designed to serve ethnic minority populations and to include father participation (Powell, p. 106). The importance of identifying fathers preferred program models can be learned from a study of Mexican fathers living in Los Angeles reported by Powell. He explains that these fathers preferred a combined program of parent group meetings and home visiting (Powell, p. 93). In addition, the men valued participation with their spouse/partner, familiarity with others in the group, and professional male staff (Powell, p. 93, p. 102). Communicating that their active participation is needed, not just their presence, is an important step in making sure that fathers feel more welcome and become more involved.
Some researchers have identifies a particular group of Hispanic fathers who especially need to be engaged in parenting programs, and who up to this point have not been involved. This group is Hispanic teenage fathers. Hispanic adolescents are the fastest-growing minority age group in the United States (Census, 1996). Yet, many researchers point to a lack of studies and understanding of these fathers (Zayas, Schinke, Casareno and Kiselica). According to Kiselica, the most important recommendation that can be drawn from the existing research with Hispanic adolescent fathers is that counselors must take into consideration the fathers degree of acculturation to the dominant society (Kiselica, p.238). The lower the level of acculturation, the less likely that a Hispanic adolescent is to use social services. Traditionally, a Hispanic father will turn to his extended family as a resource rather than social service providers. But many teen fathers do not have an extended family to depend on and they may not be comfortable turning to outsiders (that is, social service providers) for help. More research is needed on how to find culturally and linguistically competent ways of getting the teen fathers the help that they need.
Summary. With a more accurate understanding of Hispanic fathers and families, educators and social service and health providers will be able to reach out to Hispanic fathers more effectively. Culturally and linguistically competent programs will be developed that take into account the complexities and the preferences of the populations that they are serving. Future generations of Hispanic families and fathers will be better served with these changes.
Kiselica, M. S. (1995). Multicultural Counseling With Teenage Fathers: A Practical Guide. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Mayo, Y. (1997). Machismo, Fatherhood and the Latino Family: Understanding the Concept. Journal of Multicultural Social Work, 5(1/2), 46-91.
Mirande, A. (1991). Ethnicity and Fatherhood. In F.W. Bozett & S.M.H. Hanson (Eds.), Fatherhood and Families in Cultural Context (pp.53-81). New York: Springer.
Ortiz, V. (1995). The Diversity of Latino Families. In R.E. Zambrana (Ed.), Understanding Latino Families: Scholarship, Policy, and Practice (pp.18-39). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Powell, D.R. (1995). Including Latino Fathers in Parent Education and Support Programs: Development of a Program Model. In R.E. Zambrana (Ed.), Understanding Latino Families: Scholarship, Policy, and Practice (pp.85-106). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.
Ramirez, Roberto (2000). The Hispanic Population in the United States. (P20-527) Washington, D.C.: U.S. Census Bureau, Department of Commerce.
Roopnarine, J.L. & Ahmeduzzaman, M. (1993). Puerto Rican Fathers Involvement with Their Preschool-Age Children. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences,15 (1), 96-107.
U.S. Census Bureau (1996) Current Population Projections of the United States by Age, Sex, Race and Hispanic Origin: 1995 to 2050. Current Population Reports, P25-1130. Washington D.C.: U.S. Department of Commerce.
Walters, L.H. & Chapman, S.F. (1991). Changes in Legal Views of Parenthood: Implications for Fathers in Minority Cultures. In F.W. Bozett & S.M.H. Hanson (Eds.), Fatherhood and Families in Cultural Context (pp.83-113). New York: Springer.
Zayas, L.H. & Schinke, S.P. & Casareno D. (1987). Hispanic Adolescent Fathers: At Risk and Underresearched. Children and Youth Services Review, 9, 230-248.
1. Laura Vazquez, principal author, wrote this overview while a Congressional Hispanic Caucus Institute Fellow in the Office of the Deputy Secretary, HHS. Linda Mellgren, Office of the Assistant Secretary for Planning and Evaluation, HHS and Natasha Cabrera, National Institute for Child Health and Human Development, NIH/HHS provided substantive review and editorial support. The overview was initially written as a background document for HHS staff as part of the planning activities for the January 13, 2000 dialogue on Hispanic Fathers and Family Literacy.
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Last updated: 03/12/02